Aligning Financial Regulatory Architecture with
Country Needs:
Lessons from International Experience
June 5-6, 2004
The Oberoi, New Delhi
DEALING WITH REGULATORY ARBITRAGE IN THE
FINANCIAL SECTOR
Good morning colleagues. Let me first commend the World Bank on
organising this seminar, which has wide reaching relevance and
applicability. Indeed, the term
“regulatory architecture” aptly describes the undergirding framework necessary
for sound financial system development and stability, but which is required to
evolve dynamically in tandem with increasingly globalised economies, technology
driven/ever faster delivery of an increasing range of financial services and
products within more complex corporate structures and mounting associated risks
that cross all physical and supervisory boundaries and borders. This subject
therefore demands our critical, objective and on-going Supervisory alertness
and attention, with financial regulatory structures, methodologies and
standards adapted to our individual country needs, based on appropriate
flexibility in the context of certain immutable Supervisory principles. It is indeed my privilege to be asked to
share with you at this seminar on the topic Dealing with Regulatory Arbitrage
in the Financial Sector.
Like so many other international jurisdictions,
Jamaica has had to grapple seriously with financial system distress in the late
1990s, within which context regulatory arbitrage played a not insignificant
role. I have surmised that this is the
basis on which I’m considered qualified to address my supervisory colleagues in
India and it is my hope and, indeed, expectation that this exchange of
perspectives and experiences will bolster our respective reviews and
enhancements of our own financial regulatory architecture.
The perspectives I will share in this presentation will cover our
Jamaican experiences with regard to regulatory arbitrage in particular. You will also observe that the discussions
on this issue feed directly into the area of Consolidated Supervision, which I
will also be sharing on later in this conference. This highlights the inextricable nature of these issues as our
various
experiences have underlined the fact
that regulatory arbitrage opportunities invariably lead to unhealthy
conglomeration as entities seek to exploit seemingly “natural” advantages,
hence a major focus of a sound
consolidated supervision framework being to minimise regulatory arbitrage.
This presentation will cover:
a)
The
nature of regulatory arbitrage opportunities in the 1990s
b)
The
impact of exploitation of regulatory arbitrage opportunities
c)
Jamaica’s
strategies to address the problem
d)
Lessons
learned and their possible application to other countries
Jamaica’s pre-reform period may be defined as those years leading up to
and during the financial system distress of the 1990s, where a number of
financial institutions failed due to a number of factors. In this regard, regulatory arbitrage played
a feature role in the conglomeration of the financial system as entities sought
to take advantage of less stringent regulatory environments which facilitated
their conduct of activities akin to banking, but outside the purview of the
Banking Supervisor as well as to exploit other existing taxation and reserve
requirements arbitrage opportunities.
The examples of arbitrage efforts evidence a sequential pattern as they
highlight the strategies of owner/managers whose focus seemed to be solely to
illusively grow their books of business in a highly competitive environment,
without due care or intent to ensure requisite prudence and soundness, and slid
to each new loophole as an existing one was closed. These owner/managers benefited from the advice of bright
attorneys and accountants who, based on the frequent appearances of some names
in many entities across the banking sector, seemed to have emerged as “expert
advisors” in this destructive field which we called “loophole mining”.
Our experiences are best illustrated by some of the most outstanding
examples of regulatory arbitrage that we observed.
a)
In the
period pre-December 1992 (when deposit-taking laws were strengthened), certain
indigenous commercial banks that incurred Supervisory criticism for growing
non-performing credit portfolios or excess exposures, simply incorporated an
institution under the Protection of Depositors Act (PDA - a very basic and
skeletal statute which allowed deposit-taking and banking activities and had
virtually no Supervisory enforcement capabilities) and transferred these
problem portfolios to that entity. The
result was a seemingly clean book of business, reported healthy earnings and
profits of the commercial bank and escape of the Supervisor’s ire and heavy
provisioning requirements in the commercial bank.
b)
In
December 1992 the PDA was repealed and the Financial Institutions Act (FIA)
introduced which had provisions similar to that of the now upgraded Banking
Act. The Supervisor was able to take
greater action against these adversely performing merchant banks, which were
found to have quickly accumulated a mass of non-performing assets and suffered
from inadequate capital, among other things.
However, the entities were able to, in fairly short order, clean up
their books to meet the Supervisory requirements. At the same time, there was an exponential escalation in the
number of building societies registered in Jamaica, with a growing number of
the expanding indigenous banking groups also now sporting a building society.
With the failure of a merchant bank
in December 1994 and the assumption of temporary management by the authorities,
it was found in early 1995 that, in addition to outright misleading records in
that instance, the magical “clean-ups” in these merchant banks was due, yet again,
to transfer of problem accounts and conduct of prohibited business via the
establishment of building societies as well as a previous unknown that legally
empowered the conduct of deposit-taking business through its members -
Industrial and Provident Societies (I&Ps).
Both building societies and I&Ps
operated under statutes that were over 100 years old and had originally been
designed to facilitate thrift and savings by their members only, towards
specific goals (e.g., owning a home and burial schemes to cover expenses at the
death of the saver or his immediate family).
The traditional building societies were therefore a long established
group of predominantly mutually/membership owned entities, which operated fairly
conservatively, while the new wave of building societies were all
proprietorships. Importantly also, these entities did not attract the
increasingly high reserve requirements as did the commercial and merchant
banks, and were therefore able to do less costly and more profitable banking
business in the respective frameworks that their deficient laws allowed their
uses to be converted to.
On these findings, the Minister of Finance
moved immediately to legislative amendments on a two-pronged basis to:
1.
Designate
building societies as “specified financial institutions” under the Bank of
Jamaica Act, thereby giving the Bank of Jamaica supervisory oversight
responsibilities and information access authority over these entities while
specific regulations were developed to allow for implementation of an
appropriate regulatory regime akin to the other banking supervisees. The supervisory exercises that followed
quickly cut the nearly forty (40) societies that were registered at that time
to less than half that number, as societies which had not yet commenced
operations and had no substantive basis to do so under the new licensing
regime, were dissolved. The numbers
eventually reduced to the four (4) current licensees as mergers took place
along-side failures of those building societies attached to the conglomerates
that failed in the late 1990s. A split reserve requirements regime was also
implemented where once the building societies were operating under their
substantive “raison d’etre” and maintained a minimum level of “qualifying
assets” relative to their prescribed liabilities, they were only required to
maintain token reserve requirements.
2.
The
deposit-taking provisions of the I&P Act were repealed, institutions
identified by the Registrar of Companies as having a deposit-taking provision
in their rules were contacted and followed-up to ensure cessation of this
activity and the public was cautioned via extensive print and electronic media
publications that these entities were not legally empowered to take deposits. (Nonetheless, there later emerged law-suits
against a law firm which had apparently continued to operate such an I&P,
whose depositors claimed that they were misled).
c)
With
the plugging of these loopholes, the next moves of these owner/managers were
towards the establishment of or alliance with non-banking enterprises which did
not fall under the Bank Supervisor but which weak framework allowed them to
structure deposit-like liabilities under lax reporting and monitoring
requirements and advantageous treatments as to tax and reserve requirements. Insurance companies were principal in this
regard, where owner/managers proceeded to quickly build huge portfolios of
short-term, interest sensitive, high rate liabilities under deposit-like
products, which carried an extremely thin veneer of insurance and used these
funds to finance longer-term real estate and other investments (in the
expectation that the existing bubbles would have continued to grow). Other entity types included unit trusts and
so-called tourism development companies (which attracted the public’s funds to
finance investments in hotels and other tourism-based projects). However, the brunt of the arbitraging in
this period was effected through insurance companies within these conglomerates
that were built up.
The impact of these insurance companies’ failure occurred in the context
of already weakened financial indicators in their respective conglomerates,
resulting in part from under-reporting of additional problem assets in some
instances in addition to the build-up of problem assets in the earlier
arbitraging efforts which had not benefited from any real and substantial
resolution bar write-offs and provisioning the Supervisor became able to
impose. The banking entities in these
groups therefore had no wherewithal to avoid the major liquidity strictures and
capital erosion that followed, and history tells the painful story of the
contagion these arbitrage efforts created for the banking system in the late 1990s.
In particular, the insurance companies exerted tremendous pressures on
their affiliated commercial banks to meet their rapidly increasing liquidity
needs in the face of rising interest rates and a quickly appearing crisis of
confidence in their deposit-like products.
This lead to a contagious pull on funds in the banking sector as
panicked depositors withdrew their funds in a “flight to safety”. It was later found that in some instances,
the failed insurance companies had also drawn heavily on the pension funds they
administered thus enlarging the potential to further tremendously undermine
confidence in the financial system.
The massive system distress required the intervention of the Government,
which was forced to guarantee all deposits, non-connected insurance policies
and pension plans, in order to avoid the crisis of confidence that threatened
and would have quickly resulted in a huge flight of capital without radical
containment action by the Authorities.
The cost of these rescue efforts will require the heavy input of
generations of Jamaica’s taxpayers, but is certainly well worth the efforts
when contemplated against the incalculable costs and the resulting social chaos
that outright failure of the system would have caused.
In response to the systemic issues in the late 1990s, the Government
implemented a number of measures to protect and strengthen the financial
system, which included those designed to minimise the opportunities for
regulatory arbitrage, as follows:
1. Consolidation
and vesting of responsibility for financial system regulation in two agencies:
a)
Bank
of Jamaica, which
was given supervisory responsibility for all deposit-taking institutions. Supervision of building societies (1996) and
credit unions (2002) was added to the Bank’s commercial bank and merchant bank
supervisees.
b)
The
Financial Services Commission (FSC), which was created in 2001 and given
responsibility for regulation of all non-banking financial institutions, notably insurance companies,
securities dealers, collective investment schemes (unit trusts, mutual funds,
etc.), and is in process of establishing the regime for regulation of pension
funds.
2.
Incorporation
and commencement of operations of the Jamaica Deposit Insurance Corporation
(JDIC) to put in
place the Scheme for explicit coverage of the public’s deposits under various
criteria and prescribed maxima.
3.
A
Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was executed in December 2001,which enabled
formation of the Financial Regulatory Council (FRC). This high level financial
inter-regulatory group FRC is chaired by the Central Bank’s Governor
(also statutory Supervisor of banks) and comprises the heads of the FSC and
JDIC as well as the Financial Secretary.
The FRC meets regularly to share information and determine on policy and
action relating to, inter alia, identifying and addressing any gaps or other
potential arbitrage opportunities and work to eliminate same or make them
non-viable.
4.
Legislative
amendments to the deposit-taking statutes in 1997 and further in 2002,
strengthened the Supervisory Authority’s powers over the banking system and included powers to exercise
consolidated supervision with a view to minimising regulatory arbitrage,
specifically:
·
Provisions
were added to significantly strengthen the “fit and proper” criteria, which
allowed the Supervisor to assess all relevant matters including employment
history and qualifications/expertise in relation to suitability for the job. Importantly also, these new provisions
established an automatic statute bar against persons who were previously
involved in the ownership, directorship or senior management of failed
institutions to serve in any such capacity within the banking industry, unless
specific waiver was so granted by the Minister.
·
Powers
to require acceptable and veto inappropriate conglomerate structures that
include a deposit-taking licensee, including restructuring of a mixed
conglomerate to establish a financial sub-group under a financial holding
company, comprising all group financial entities. This is to facilitate transparency and comprehensive prudential
assessment of all financial risks and exposures within the group.
·
Establishing
reporting requirements for all group entities wherein the Supervisor may
require returns to be made by financial holding companies as well as
deposit-taking licensees (on an individual and consolidated basis) and receive
audited financials of all companies in the conglomerate each year.
·
Enhancement
of provisions relating to cross-border inter-regulatory cooperation and
information sharing as well as establishment of similar mechanisms for domestic
intra-regulatory relationships
·
Requirement
for the separation of potentially contagious non-banking activities from
banking entities so as to better contain and define such potential and take
action through the FRC to address same.
5.
Restructuring
of Supervisory methodologies and approaches to facilitate more coherent
assessment of conglomerates long preceded and were important in early
recognition of the pending financial system distress. These operational changes enabled
the Supervisor to better see what was happening across groups, particularly as
regards the reckless practices and risks evolving in the insurance companies
and conglomerates described earlier, and made clear the evils of regulatory
gaps and overlaps which facilitate regulatory arbitrage. These changes will be more fully described
in the presentation on consolidated supervision.
6.
Forthcoming
measures to be implemented to strengthen the consolidated supervision framework
in regard to regulatory arbitrage potential further developing on MOUs to
include cross-sector relationships in financial groups. In this regard we are contemplating and have
raised with our regional colleagues, the issue of establishing MOUs with
non-bank regulators in the region where related to home/host responsibilities
impacting financial groups.
However, the imperatives for most developing countries must be focusing on strengthening their regulatory framework and on safety and soundness issues per the far greater adverse impact of undertaking the risks associated with the practice of their more developed counterparts, and the potential for contagion to the deposit taking sector.
4. Finally, as the title of this conference
articulates, each jurisdiction must use its experience, good judgement and
intimate knowledge of its environment, financial sophistication, risk profile
and stage of development to inform its adaptation of international principles
and best practice in updating and enhancing its regulatory infrastructure. This may require in some circumstances that,
given acknowledged weaknesses in other areas, certain activities or practices
that operate internationally be constrained until, for example, supervisory or
other required capacity or framework is built to allow wider operations in
these regards.
In closing, I will quote
a colleague of mine who once likened the desires of Jamaica’s financial system
players to freely offer first-world type financial products and services in the
context of a developing country’s financial regulatory architecture, with that
of allowing a jet propelled vehicle to operate with only an outdated braking
system to control it. In other words,
the safety and stability of our respective economies and financial systems is
dependent on both the strength and structure of our regulatory architecture
(read braking systems) being aligned with our country needs.