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({M={ ̳E6%sGC?N N ÿ}*qؘSA g /!+k 980utAԡcJG7_Լ1~]WxS7+81OU>^bC&'-MSn2]3^}cG=snu ' Y%(n}D?Ԟ4&lωc@n []sևa.ßə,u㶽+AJt 9N 7#Gz#~x$n$F~)[= ݏodU/o|rwcsOB#氏fWb Gh $=Uw1~;ƿd;olw7KǏ4o=s:o@g;`:m-]q)-%"n7|To4m:?ުuG=#ޟ/C6`ѡ!}WX—c>LXQZ҇ suBdة}& >ܭ[l5I4uo3n=;OϏNo=^};}  ߯+z83 ,SI~Uv3oe$KN zBGG8+3epб2mSFzl>mɡ%-9(C "8>>x,78L䃟籃cJ[&p>Xx;/e`rN9Sg=F^]>\TJe;ApknN9 W{u6e^&)#VllmotߠK`nc;^}ݏ0??_gQ>gAgx=R7Q6q 4$cW˸2&<1tpEDo_+|t~Six#gAFƃ22qx+!(8yh["n5dY2ډ ="V27 IS\rpG V%}-'K~vUaϔꖫO|77cĉ}oD=DNx}'ic_`̞}k u t;b[8g`?nc}o͓O'!/9c?aa?lڭTC=J&!_bxNc߿+`wT*i|p&]ڳYy;k>߀?E&pK+:c:UM)B= ە荲*q:mww}\|A^gܞ2ɼrpENr3Nw< #7=&k,e-u; 4Dp]').i+S<3>;{zz}zvaLS22y{JGӭ4<3{_{kSy__҆8Np,fxgtt ~]Rx=#[V] { mC/l nξ!Ǐ'٫JM wo0 i4wl=+Y;~hp]_SlVeѧJUݟ߼-YHΣKd%1s) AƙJ~[.;N}\/~}Je_Res2GrlFD C'Jz|(+8d=P|bEt{!e&;?p'UƾOZ[Մ,,( STATE POLICIES AND WOMEN ’ S AGENCY IN CHINA, THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA, AND INDIA 1950-2000: lessons from contrasting experiences 1 Monica Das Gupta*, Sunhwa Lee, Patricia Uberoi, Danning Wang, Lihong Wang, and Xiaodan Zhang Introduction Strong commonalities in their lineage-based systems of kinship and inheritance generate a stark and extremely effective logic of marginalizing women in China, Northern India and the Republic of Korea: above and beyond the more global issues of women ’ s burden of domestic work and inadequate access to productive resources. This is reflected in some of the highest rates in the world of excess female mortality before birth and during early childhood. 2 What makes a comparison of these countries especially interesting is the fact that they all had a new beginning as modern nation-states around 1950, following the end of colonial rule or revolution. At that time, they were largely poor agrarian societies (Table 1) with a large agenda of nation-building and development ahead of them. Women ’ s lives were also fairly similar: they worked long hours to help make ends meet in their peasant households, and suffered maternal depletion from high levels of fertility. In addition they coped with the powerlessness imposed by their position in the family. Since then, these countries have taken very different political and developmental paths, resulting in quite different developmental achievements (Table 1). Today, the Republic of Korea is highly urbanized and industrialized, with high levels of per capita income, life expectancy and education. India is still largely rural, with relatively low levels of income, life expectancy and education, and China is somewhere in between these two countries along these indices. The three countries also differ enormously in the kinds of policies used to incorporate women into mainstream society, as a result of which the position of women has also taken quite divergent paths. These contrasts offer the opportunity to examine how 1 Acknowledgements: This is a revised version of World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 2479. It draws on country reviews funded by the World Bank ’ s Gender Sector Board. The reviews were prepared by Danning Wang, Lihong Wang and Xiaodan Zhang (on China), Sunhwa Lee (on the Republic of Korea), and Patricia Uberoi (on India). It also draws on fieldwork conducted by Monica Das Gupta in North India between 1975-1990, and in China and the Republic of Korea in 1995-6. Comments from Judith Banister, Lyn Bennett, Gillian Brown, Hill Gates, Elizabeth King, Mick Moore, Vijayendra Rao and Michael Walton are gratefully acknowledged. * Development Research Group, The World Bank, 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433,USA. 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We argue that the Republic of Korea has sought successfully to achieve rapid economic growth while maintaining fundamental aspects of family organization deeply inimical to gender equity. As a consequence, women now have high living standards and participate extensively in the formal labor force, but have gained relatively little in autonomy  as symbolized by some of the lowest levels of female legislative representation in the world. 3 By contrast, the Indian state has a disappointing record on raising living standards, but has been fairly successful in encouraging gender equity. The Communist Chinese state has made substantial strides in improving women ’ s lives, both through raising living standards as well as through a synergistic mix of policies aimed at creating gender equity  but some of these gains are being eroded since the opening of the market economy. Below, we describe the broad outlines of the system of kinship and inheritance in these settings, which so powerfully inhibit gender equity. We then discuss some key dimensions along which gender issues have been addressed in the development policies pursued by the three countries during the second half of the twentieth century: education and employment, women ’ s health, family law, mass communication, and the space created for women ’ s organizations. 4 I Kinship Systems and the Construction of Gender Northern India, China and South Korea have rigidly patrilineal kinship systems whose basic organizational logic is strikingly similar, despite considerable local variation in detail. Since gender analyses often discuss the problems of patriarchy, it is necessary to clarify what is so exceptional about these particular family systems, and why they are so effective at marginalizing women. Patrilineality means that group membership is passed on through the male line. Typically, this involves passing on the main productive assets through the male line, which constrains women's ability to be economically viable without being attached to a man. Patrilocality means that it is normative for couples to live in the man's home. The combination of rigid patrilineality and patrilocality essentially means that women have little independent social or legal personhood. A thumb-nail sketch of clan and lineage organization in these societies The traditional social organization prevailing in these settings in the early decades of this century (and to a large extent also today in rural areas) was one in which clans had their own territories. Villages had their dominant clans, to which the majority of men belonged. Strict exogamy was maintained by these clans, so wives would be brought in from elsewhere. A strong sense of clanship pervaded the village, making men from other clans feel like interlopers. Such interlopers are referred to caustically as 'wild ducks" (as 3 KIHASA and UNDP 1998. 4 Sen 1999, 2001 provides a powerful philosophical discussion of these issues. 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Thus it is that only men constitute the social order, and women are the means whereby men reproduce themselves. Women are the biological reproducers, but it is through the father that a child acquires a social identity and is incorporated into the social order. 6 Since only boys remain in the lineage, the significant social reproduction is that by the father of the son. Nowhere is this more apparent than in a genealogical record or in an ancestor worship hall: one can literally see each generation of men, and the generations of men to whom they gave rise. Access to key economic and social assets depended on one ’ s position in a lineage, so enormous importance is placed on carefully recording the precise lineage ties between men for generations. Women are recorded, if at all, only in the capacity of the wives of the men who gave rise to succeeding generations of men. Men are the fixed points in this social order, and women are the moving points because lineages are strictly exogamous. When women marry they leave their home and lineage, to be absorbed into their husband's lineage. Neither in their father's nor their husband's lineage can a woman ever aspire to the central position which is the simple birthright of any male born into the lineage. When she marries, a woman is perceived to have been permanently exported from the family: her (temporary) "slot" in the household ceases to exist, and a new (permanent) "slot" is created for incoming brides. In the rare cases when women do return, they and their parents have to struggle to make it work, because other members of the village resist the incursion on their property rights. 7 What makes these kinship systems so uniquely biased against women? Yet many other societies around the world also have patrilineal inheritance and patrilocal residence. This description would broadly fit many nineteenth century European peasant societies, and some African societies. So what makes these particular kinship systems so uniquely biased against women? The answer is that they are structured such as to allow for very little flexibility in actual practice of inheritance and residence rules. In peasant Europe (as also in Japan), parents without sons would typically have their daughter and her husband inherit the property, rather than seeking to adopt a brother ’ s or cousin ’ s son. 8 The emphasis was thus more on reproducing the household rather than the father's lineage. By contrast, in these societies a man without sons would typically seek to bear one by re-marrying, adopting the son of one of his male kin, or even (as in China) negotiating with the daughter ’ s husband that at least one of his sons will bear his father- in-law ’ s family name. The driving motivation is to continue the patrilineage, by whatever means possible. 5 Xie Zhenming, personal communication. 6 In India, the mother ’ s caste may affect that of her child in the rare event that her caste status is very different from that of her husband. 7 See case studies in Das Gupta et al. 1997, and Das Gupta and Li 1999. 8 Arensberg and Kimball 1968, Sieder and Mitterauer 1983, Nakane 1967. ^-x[lTU@Ё-0>Lf6*(҂`Q QJᢀ` %h4->`xgZ*tb&&L_{Z{}Μ^fB3bVE`C?ipE[=!mvoҜ^4l\_é|-ivㆤ~>'8Ҽf m˗JjGrZZ g/56K9hb^>޷׻3ey>Lb@}koط*K6[>56:X:5s[kڝ:\>Et|wXn͵ք6)Yc-Bv yvkkz0hͳxJzˬl(Œ P7A,Ǯ\XĽ\Ja\ 8bSZZ&')3m*h%h#cr+ɰ 1Qc?w@?n_MB!d7nN,q{:b2+MǫY %<ʹPm}eR Q j=d^ Up_ ki0:oN绚5R/Av9)EjrymZB ۀ$8ZW{E߁q/΃]Ah:,:8hb]|ڿ; } ak렌"q^vAd״!8_dȁ/4D9 jQjg6q[Wb=~®{PqZN՚ c0=:'OǧkwXэM0 G{QnN5Q`㾍2gr~YSgs;܃}=v6٘]8ZAR>?KAu#t5D\| M0 RȂ'!bG>B$DBv1Uk_%\x‹1Ȟgڗ9]x{1蜼jΰ[~3Fax6>{ttx WyOv +4yג%Hx,I 6ټM$Pi@5ڎ0ӴV*ÛLEMgh HұPP0h~߽ܻI &g9gyOfn2;:Nnv$Wxr6X$;EY7[|I<&iEywx2Ͼ~#ۥGroϮH~l{٭Ȩ=:cvrH|p.3~tϘ?;=fȚ2Wgg7_ԝ3B3ߺ{o/~`;f.vʏ{W'xO4pIΓNge0σqO<{1Ǵ6"Ix^}޻ES[NmfS;Nq1eΘÿ/yt)'(؎7͇?TڎHv}[w]  ؾwL ٘qUIߞ'$sҞ@e<*w]W$Ie-Ь *k˓ߓү|'~ƿttoΉKN؎_{Q$ߠ>Eڞ=~aWܳkkg_cÜQ_'8ܜ8u͜:?f怱`xM l_Һٍ۳YoVћ nK~dv{(n 괝@p7r;ÑPmcޔ(GOzy@o,G|n vj' fxC\|fcǦs:$B;B;$e8|ѫksn%m)/`_yZoʯMiືЯ~/zp.-xȃxmеKy߮Zu[ko?<o;l}--ykl7X\;thk~m ;0f]P߸5&~vO'h +~Ko c~F*Y Y>M:G>7MlQ:i[p| ʂ2Eo9ʮOU)?3|g%}u\y8W_n4s?tm:v$ε> nΆ=۳櫧9bVXGsjm4eg'N";;/ ut0c3{1Bi n@ vw&F݀1-ٍ'v$184e_X;_xYyG''Mڶ OѫT}Á%}eVƏ_W:7Ztj2㭬9VvGoH+%O8}^`ɦ X~!EqBq6qZ uqUU;~p`vn5FRb*adwzgZ;a'{uWԖ=8ep՞mT~ex#/6G V8>_v- ׸?$gUƾ/i]|<xt[N}P.+{}v#9>>/̯~ǒtO1i<?#3(s;YFcθrnMzv_c3bFwݙ~ܮΔnD}mЧ6խ2mSCG|Ocie1ʁ?J~&Y/L!uڵpxmYnG'ϟ{uӑzӧqgէRڊ~E:7NQ^틾bw b[2?Κ.{؞nŽܒqҳ~b5 c,Io L\?*^^>^Ϊ'tR}|k6:mNvVu:Pxܓ ^SoK{#ożs{ɳ[fgn箐/[c`,^pMZ3#\ :d7]۱!<*sBζɴ:hNʕ|B[Y*^ Vq_JX1u>;w/|k|ぽ&%m1Y~3sʝɗ34|j5v,}yш.ue8ˋǖ#iZ {GŶt\:U>{ѱ2Ꮿ>.4IOȞ|h !^h8#>Sxwlځ?zmu3q%>w7bۍ{|$qxKf|dVnv úz(l3Uȶ7dDR3 REi=og_MOFt&]_܅I~JOUIM<q8$4ԗԈ>ӝ[1_;mQ?p:ӛ2ڶo~p㏒_t2ԍc::ߴo}o|Kt?8} Rp]}N\zoe.z$sdoXvy^{Di-̚~ {v^8^Ovt-?oQ^[)/+h#7?ʅ/\a-O镥Q>[ uGߗ.sތ:I|Jr㏝ w>qtW'# /w w{6<9Pck˗NIm';9=7)kvTr,N^zW߽>~:v4C76mK /z)_rupJYǟOk_Wo n W~hZJR0tu=7Hq^^&x 8wn@wTt(ox9N*]k)6lzꮺf>:V= _^hSYuv/g#8N?b9SdТGn`h*/Z||hVZ/l_g)&??8\H0V\]TEá'Dh]՗G}Tlfd9It\P%+\wGw$J6}b0WYs/tޞHCG=(wSVgAGtRk FI#xڲuPk}^d*xv'zcPr1]7bK6}±V6.L?~?VOlycpnݽA\]Hx峒VUc׮ &To 19<)P~E Ejpxqh7Og򜊅Fo]3zmI7ݲksc_vCD\Q֞ӞсvW`uOO缤N?S2xe8OۚqA5p|ߟ|+}0W7~ӋњGM&^d_3 y_pTV?Oʭ@֏׸lY3bk)Șlt[2_?Dw[{7qļc ߻aGYeO~62+_*'^ퟜlU`5fodžoĎޭ{B7S_ 6烣_ʎ~FL<>2 蘝7^qY{yx_yh }4UtH/֫3.[mE9<om v-=ÃL6˷2ت,ዶV|c=t>¯i[WNٳvr nb9]XZ74e5jFdn!-J_|m GN]Ft.LZ]MpvoFR^|;cbѓcczQbEG֎*sac7&µ/ NMc:Ӿ$z=Izmқ5u;ɳU=5]Ixvt ^&q&tۙAY>1xG=؁ݜdhj)b܊3İ7W-bixw\!)FŞp \ikKu|^Y^Sn;>O2)-ٵ2yȫ]D&_|V}ɱ5d'Ui'08j*ޅdh6t27cF/#5@ۊ Fyxf Gi]E9J[}SS׾m+jkVeiqחH Goywmqڨ;>W.X+p|e+%{om'O:Ġ?Ӂ=]G8qxvMq_\iDEޚ'#+CjcWsOK:GOKrɋSg# Ύ>Łh;NR7ʗ,TƽI6lgmYy_to NWci g23MScJl.bg=Ip+1q*M}%G2Q]3wcc=56q39S\@ha $P[k-ؐݫ>n'љxP^7w׮~?* F ^9m w*6Ʀ-9*g1lʧk?X ϊs/]KZ?xcXݪo܂]fw,ܻzz\o:497ͭ=ƈK]c2~cizz4[ʹjG4mc}k_plܶSz-loьM;4Z[^oޑsaU_y{`q|m-:l;T{+r/ҖXWuEfku֘аMuO4!EΚ;}lUm'gUޫWxGx\ ^pi{{|L,3ܰ]x4f=&'qfz ~Wڅ>$'K zN)9lmV{}hE'tځ?龤cWddC9+ڿO9͏ov&\̕Kڭ[O~{!<X@p/ l̟n}j<1ԺcVmo7gG̵o-oyA7e|8uz1>tmj[NKEWeV{)|VυQ>i_gri'%e<ڶsJԟIܸ)?;)/N'T{ks}cz||=޾;ә/3NzCntC/pm>/ *: dc9:h}vڿH_= |b 0~}~oֳ}l={oZ/@H;',7w:bٛ3M}:3:z!yyV{s-`S~|o3c1Cݱy2|qgăM=z3FHuFvd}N)eH.? S{k]w<\qSg5,0=j}EK['goY!T(v[$~;4^ڿ{}:YQu_N۫^]Æ`%4xXO ?ut;? _{tpVvmlS^xxܶS+;kkSab? ?knz?Ոu`~^e '~|ӳiS7oܑ 7T=muQ{W N׎k떫{xg=I_gk)C[ٯ>FڑE,Me0~?~reXuQXO_yYOKup+ɟ>r9nolzM`y̫W@ǻⒿ01tD(n<cMPzb0 : ~vҏv'ٲǃm\ҿ C_NC8>t~ڪ؝?mƞ~-W^d6N:"q}m%u-ܓͦCKC8t<|~7)dN q^!\3vNKwKɧc0r{v}e3~?yϮK3ַ|)s]g%}<'f70ot|0a?Zg |AMy cs $77.M77{ߓtS@[=v;ϯOO|b~>΁xf}Vo_S{K5V?u" \~~&_ϋCɧܫ6"u_n{q#yjY-U/Oko犢v];Jw `u{ c)xi\<=_۴{Kپߓ^G._q{=\$~#rt A],,5 3 The potential for support from daughters is also very different. In large parts of rural Europe it was completely acceptable for a grown daughter to remain single for many years as part of their parents ’ household, supporting and being supported by the aging parents. 9 In these Asian settings, an adult woman has no socially acceptable role in her parental family except as a visitor: her appropriate position being that of a wife in another family. This is reflected in the negligible proportions of women never-married in their 'thirties in the censuses of these countries. Women ’ s relationship with their husband is also very different (Das Gupta 1995). Amongst Northern European peasants, the conjugal unit was central for economic, social and emotional purposes. Marriage was the central event in the domestic lifecycle, marking the formation of a new and independent economic unit. By contrast, the Asian kinship systems discussed here make for strong intergenerational bonds and de-emphasize the conjugal bond. The household and property management is conducted by the unit of the father and his sons. Thus marriage does not create a new partnership which is of much significance, other than importing another woman into the household to bear children and provide labour. The central event in the domestic lifecycle is not marriage, but the birth of a grandson, which signals the continuation of the family line. Field interviews reveal how these Asian kinship systems make younger women isolated and vulnerable (Das Gupta et al 1997). Here is a part of the life-story of a 70-year old woman in Hebei province of China: “ My mother-in-law was a very harsh woman. My husband did not live at home, he worked elsewhere and visited home from time to time. I had to serve my mother-in-law hand and foot. In the morning I had to wake up and begin work before she woke up. I also had to empty her chamberpot in the morning. Then I worked all through the day, and could only go to sleep after she did... My first child was a son, but she would not let me hold him. She insisted that I just lie him flat on the bed and leave him alone all day while I worked. She would not let me eat rice, only inferior grains. Once at the Spring Festival my husband noticed that I did not get rice and asked her why this was so. She agreed to let me have some that day, but my husband couldn't help me much with my problems in the home. When the Communist youth meetings began in the village, I attended a couple of them. They made me feel as though I had some group to which I belonged, outside my husband's household. But my mother-in-law forbade me from going to any more meetings, and I did not dare oppose her. ” Regional differences in India and China There are thus some critical points of similarity in the customary rules of kinship and marriage in Northern India, China and the Republic of Korea, which distinguish them from most other settings which could also be characterized as patrilineal and patrilocal. 9 Sieder and Mitterauer 1983; Arensberg and Kimball 1968 m)x}LuEPzyb0 Eg`x̼[To˄YޖiY9[֪?elkk^sxz==y~sHXo4&2v!ۏ>+"sN`0s\$&膝^vop=} w,zxWr_n `u^ ZzRūט1䆯z?ܢמ :Ӻ&d6ַ:dO(bа_BCꛃ{*hu3 j~ױkO.}^?R!}ȉx =s;M_c^cuMg1/f̥'?%i?K2PJ t0 wQ:}̰R$>oعs _a g]V[ MKKAeY <|ՙPGCKgLϣi''C:8X|̘>on'o1\z= c#0Vٰ?cqTmYUT* $y7R>zr:b1{D@o>Gf_k7B>SQrȁpSne(` {oܯ׫9nLUp{QFE(G;YKEP"U b819̇jJ@u"1m{ߣrΰs mctWc3>$1o@0r :h 1z[򚿟Gw,v7;͡Ǭ@$Jt~$~WkYZG{ߞ佹wیqVq<Ӯ 4?wV[VX:`uVVX:`u?ՁHVMicrosoft Office Document Image Writer 11.03.2175.00 2005:07:05 12:36:58   U$(162*/; 1*"{8yxWY@ IF~5i\ PƲ&$II f凌C-ʌL;i:3RNE_)ft'& ѻ{|>ys<ϽX,ޒ⢤w[,u-o|7-{B [H_{qjXNu"x< 54x:>'r~SO?,]|'?~򳞾qه^'uЩEbR9O9~m:3ܯ|}^ϞX˺ʴyOrP~uGߤw㭿JϳOy>9+|>y~}_| > C?_@#!p;ɵ'r>yw}2Ow>N>8=8W.7|D U?OI"d_|q"cp44Mii7ĸsqC zv):1.!;}jZu}mNwL>{g ];͓⤷'7NJyo{o@נGs'Wx{SYݑuʛn]\X.^Ѭ܎:h/nXDG٭]k9Wwk#55+s{hGC[&ݘ7듮]qZy}Jn HZXFsll"$+2tVtOH?qøksy/8 und+Ӯ2{haEU>'GC۟~ }_59m^\uIߗO \]ٞx2nN1%bOcGp,oXݶB>WmqIJj}W}ܣ?{ \_-]v䔏2?}vflw:g4V>X;~;)Oͯv_ǔG$j埞 "H\ep}ėĎkV1n*?HuU**Trz;[Vw A9Xqs{X*cӸW_tunL~4:?6Y\o4z}xw=T;c4B󘱍6T1An=v17JK8eX&@~jWxöxks_[x}1޺'[?ޓ́W_^\=!~{^]>/3y*%mbfmpݺґՌxN]ׯ"M6+߲58VVׯZcc=OZěsEْ}x؝~rIg&i[=ԕ=E=g6K^v,aCjQqH޴^$/-';egPuC;:𛃕z&,8eG56fx2xoc&>MQG2iթ6g[}ƺ~~3;lGrv/{kUG/9elxkeŋ^׏d(Wo*#Cp/^MrvNZMQ^[-~!0菒b ,et8mN=p{Ј][VEֵЗc?ګ tW?Ƚhaxw6k)͕vˠҧ[ӫKR\4w7o\jb3PFb,jߑ>1(ZF6}}f3bΗjܵtgVP-ޗ;#'tc!65e .$4F,5bН9Y3wmvtv!ӕf]̅]~lVv.qsZt2VilY;׏Qo+GMUу!2ޙײ=')_{Ol)0uwGB hEm5XIA緧د)“"O?{|ed?+k e]Kr0،Wʤr&4v*CmnձqS0K߽KhzԱAawOgu[~z{av'DcmL1ٖzqr}=2tS}MWrTbxbk)\^<߉m؎Cc;]9 b 7HvYW#8>3NlоfS̴:.Oƣ֮M#gӽ\Nr{Z/br)N6eL.[8G<66, yM1j=Seb>\ln>?u:-߰)fo.8rHsX'?{b=J/~qroG6yܩnA'rUO<$td[&W^|뮞[Rg_ulywaЮYtf V֮l'c O=0g#˼0.]<%ш]ki)c/9\yQ[tc˕㕫vOu/N>C=EsN/+Y@3*OYiCГ` · Cˤ:O?lm%c/9k1Fd 3@-xfz:ĥ[N'3$~.nيk3-u\IwSWbx-ORozv[׽!.<է/4Ue rr W,b ^w}ƛ}7@x>x4pn[o}~I_}fD_:-:~1<\+'~\zhxNs{gLӞIt^ 2ߑX0=L>z;c87Fqڳih/v6ŧOS_֮l}rvƣ~}|S>>~%'?y[}x7yxyPkqPy®N oyG ڇRnZwNN|v)89XnߢnSV\Oǣ>?=Ʉɖ/]D.yt-;!%s`hhw LƁB<0O]4ѕ-.أvS8/;6.{V<{ y7wOz7Ӥ,oWv[ \xK$k@CnS>:y'2^]qk ,W+vK?ދd3.[m(`jk/B*u%mbŃ[Z{{ݻo ޼k|;Ӿ5W1⍡ofͻmo[ٓ `]jK64ǾbX(=RMR㦶OO]2u6GE[깖`ܥ>UW'Q#i,uk/\>;K+Hkt' 1Ɣ*eo(Œ({@pnޠ5cح\Gԃs+3T^gψ6o*5j/[W"8Kdc'8bW׽rU?+V>''WM;t16ZVY*g^W\*=d_vQ|O.waMkI`l`ݺp~fυm? 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S)ۅOӳkSkқ]6=KkL{[R2"'0M_ ;7l~clNnVYMʧnԲKsM7}O47|KxzCxoѻ޼:=S|o^+Vc}% I96c᫣`){qBۜ7:e9AKWvz{ԸnۚRo >/7X\x[LAsn;iQV+_L/tՁCO~uP暞`iWYqO4UVTzj޵ · WvqɃ2߱E&oLr_{twv?nǶv2z/#Ϛb>>\Htf6O.T~F?Zc?c)`#ȓCey<$K yY'xAH'V=;mZ~JοZ,כU헲;$m]_O?GA`{dL]t<ϻ+}78'z&wbWKQ-~Laob fqV>S71m(?$6~ <0qu,P+f@ڔ(L<xOs`Hߋ ""^2s\$3a4 Yerw|('}ǟG4} ߮>2WEX=֧qV-eq`ғ{#_oSlrCh9Dzob;<|Y<;79|wFS]>*u?sw/O]~z̏/0U|4_s,՟T>_G*dO-tr ,H1{ kL?JY0kNj;rFug?ek m_pN8o =gDT]ݚ v:+IX'WV۱']? STz`=F?e8O\ɾ(VdO]7ep?k6Pt=1zjrԸ,O:/j/vVЕ{%bށ$]hny7i|鉱[]9VNeS}wY>[,, 4 However, India and China are very large countries, and there is significant regional heterogeneity in their kinship systems. In the case of India, a very substantial proportion of the population live in regions with other types of kinship systems. There are even pockets of matrilineal kinship in Northeastern India and Kerala. Although most of South India is formally “ patrilineal ” , women have considerable interaction with their parental family after marriage, and can return to stay with the parents if necessary. Many studies have emphasized how different kinship rules are in Southern India. 10 Women can function as independent social and legal entities in ways virtually unthinkable in the North. Similar regional differences exist in China, but the Han with their rigid clan-based patrilineages constitute the overwhelming majority of the population. Some of the non- Han minorities, have more flexible kinship systems. This includes the Tibetans, 11 the Muslim minorities of Western China. It also includes the ethnic minorities in Yunnan, who share cultural patterns with bordering societies of Burma and Thailand with their bilateral kinship systems. These also include small pockets of matriliny (Hua 2001). II Gender and development policies in China, 1950s-1990s The Chinese state has for centuries sought to manipulate and adapt its people ’ s lineage organization to serve its own ends. Tightly-knit clan organization offers the state the possibility of reducing the costs of managing a large and farflung empire by passing on much of the burden of micro-administration to the lineage. 12 This possibility has been formally exploited for centuries. For example, entire groups of families could be punished for one member ’ s crime: a powerful incentive for people to keep their kinfolk compliant with state directives. At the same time, the state has always had to contend with the possibility that lineages could become large and powerful enough to challenge state authority (Faure 1989; Hu 1948), a consideration which has kept the state vigilant and in some ways antagonistic towards the lineage system. This ambivalence has continued after the Revolution. On the one hand, the state had many reasons to want to reduce the power of the family and lineage. It wanted to collectivize property ownership and production, and to make people obedient directly to the state instead of to their lineage superiors. This could not be achieved without smashing lineage political organization, as well as age and gender hierarchies within the household. To achieve these goals, the Communist Party launched a frontal attack on lineage organization, along with genealogical records and ancestor worship, and went far towards breaking age and gender hierarchies. The commune took over many traditional familial functions in social, economic and political life (Andors 1983: 53-73). 10 Karve 1953; Kolenda 1987; Trautmann 1981. 11 Levine 1988. 12 Gates 1996; Fried 1969; Schurman 1968a and 1968b. t'xklSeǟS tmvCBPH r!L\bňA$Q4 _ $nc=RIڢ$,={v1ƊHe0XOdB<+"+ImSrU.r16Bj|eFs+Vs;l7}wfyTE49ط!2־vs~Φ.4MaM "!\-t^շTg=kG>))Gy"gbk?Jb(ע%ٷnrGkqarhR m޸}L`ʭK@)cZcX}>k6Z\=+k^^UY< ϣᗢ^4G-5G;(>Y%/3/VOBlTsd%J6DP0 d0Ba&~,g,?"&^Ŀ|t5'arzDüHxMYW5LXS!/-KFہ]E֣a`FU}yB5hCÔ#fI!z֠zZ/cPP~GCC%w ڂ.F@oiJYGl!^ebZ{sfa:L_P{VH30'Z9_iwx0?{۠Z=OW7Jй>^ǞZ7ӯ:v0|IŽsu:}63=.lHKCg&GU6Im1e}I{mOHwLeNq;7xNyX}5eC^+I^Hl?hlmL''Vlb'yT^/uf{F&t斜leGcf+8d|wNvj;˯;v 3`g΀;v'ৌ3`g΀;v ܋+qMicrosoft Office Document Image Writer 11.03.2175.00 2005:07:05 12:36:58   $(16`"2"/ 1U [{{dkN.~0n>K2۞]1!C1;3f'E{n6/gI=^S&sǞf=vwlS~#|W? =WϘ#oۻ?~=uiX4oNwyif{6Eف/?m7dr}2'?]gS^8OoΘ[[C_3۵딓v=̩i>Z[r~pյ tKF8vkO81@I2i_E#Ibn=3K|Uٯva _|2#:VձV:I*:O.Wu=ѷnO?-O5~&?'ho^3}nMJ~~i{{.}׆f{.] ய5!&N]&czc5г5!.KZ>Nœ϶goybĔN̮My{vpHa~ٞ{h~ڞ]M9Gi}}NGW.NJפPGթvWS~N}9QgפtmmGbWuy4#|JbG&%ÒJY62t}IJ:gdzFڶeXCk{7zIN1CI6r:_xd˟]mkl9iqӹI+Oc}kk`H0>y{šm;_xv;޾!؞x5ܐt̯qDS]ֵ l}zk)^&lipl)<ڍXgO:QtUn#ʅϷvsȱ#mQo-xCHMxI{;y`_~b|xގF/>?]OաޘVݲ\<߷OZ"?49~DS׾ck_mG{T:9m%uV1lLxPykŏKж# W 8{9׉Mvql{umxliֹ!.'oژY85ȑ"ɽ7\s쌗g&e>NXv&8c3rk{֮=ڝwnU9g﫿A~=ױNrN"p`/_BC3؄};{ٽ8,8Afsi<4j^wCEm켮Z:t/Wq 0Y)I=:f(['H(6` gU[ l5:>~;vy$cƼЌDe_qߖozOxmi`\띝{Uw>l{K;#{ 7$iDz(VqBKQ{Reu̡;c5v]2/x`lZ5.vTcwu-XX9<ۊ&̉KI0_;Lbo|V_G_XpE{2m7;+Yq}rmJ0 ۇ:'7xl~JtYr\9ZVsΫqj]^\u57&^>_i^x٢XSg`Qi\"ӸkS<dЧ}~*3_WhG7Fm(=٩N#mxgO͞!?m֯wy|¹{"<5 57g1w}g[RgK5c5׎_>w g?gӒU{F%^Wn731h<ɷ3#83ss"}{6lwYXSldq/Ry\Iբ/q ;l$.aUu6/^'e1š~7GKFckkǷm8!C^uBF2#2޾$:Ω3U,=aXz,\h/KMXjxcwfS'*;SmU9E7'.IF<>M85=OO*.sg?=fQfWڼ>`0]>gs4z!/ec0>2?::Nӱi^Vkۤtuֈ?w k0B87aSwL$64*oǝ#wŠBiHz}҈>,/cZM̽F&]EU:c% ;7֭W4>$/uLtTmNDwu+y0I/oؾc<>W6hxNżh9;Vt]g[ij^}þ^ڦq+ǫE}`zFW:c. qR]#œm_&ἶ$7mO~/z{~Y:wTӣ-YcPֶC/k̸mWqGK˓oEn6VϘퟟ5CJq8fx q6\(Do`C/g1Ucpƞ$ 껋drlzu8L;3߱%:2dʯOu[$ѥ]Ar4[+}:witT6櫍2Vxi.[IbGSpͲl-19k0v^hϏ&}dz¥ Ȕ3y|Ob6P|P&g/T.:$ e6lB+Ov6AI5>Am=h`}/؇F}azp>|C$YW!bo\Ci+?;+|.4܄wI֔qϹW) R4Tv.9et-lG&fWY (n>fnx)n[ׅ7?;eF &;ukptžgfE?KC{Mܤ߀^]c(྾3;wώ'4w{N<ܸ|3Vgw[^4Oco[18 eɇ!~j=\qWozPoc_9Dyr߼ȫ++k'M׺qLGVz:VΟ|纕2<)zm03gB8MxTx(ѸxN茹MCv3j] <]uKٳvٜ]ꋽ)K쁮 ԖQyhbA/_5mM:&y唥Umb%H|bʪؼ6Xxbx1"8}zWci:;dYgбd^Ŀo$ǛbB"M+<1ZϕMqR[^y>pD҅@GT#NӭGv06b/asyō,;k #Ru|ۖTX fssR:0/t hdSڿcDo񻆴U@{~~w?Y1/'qgN<%9fslߪuY}iڷ}Do`7e8o[`oS8ǎ,PK?¤6i![mdo={ݳcC+z^j_<=7s፧-k^|cv g&Ίqѻomvgƀکqdj ٧6~}*w'9yL7__;&JrBhɆ_G2l7:µ=ۈvkog2=o['W4vs^׎tցڍM)Mk?>c*Om͆*I~|I?bXNnsb'ŗd7}znX~o6nkطbxӷJǗd#֙9sm/)k'}حjznmi'M=黒~4^ w_;1owjV$Nsc+c74s#\fsoL>${c~ Ms}xs [חKkU/L=qmX;; =[\Xh/JM?ޥYYۋsނx#aϮ/w 9Mn݀cm:{f5Zu kZ񪼮v,XҪzĦWצ%SܶM׶1t\ ^ttOcU  `&Vk/ m9o=Ӄw;׵l+SL{q;p=;oפ<K7(K릅5ƦhzߠkYP/m+2S_(M)=~u$>COίqlyTiUY:):ѥmڦ4k*EoEi o<t>詾Oܻ[~9g+^1zSTF2(F3}7_9;>ɱ{Nl|DvbzB~ lOU;9&cWG}h扏=:>G[__ ⴽ,iߔT}bOI-f Ϟ7-=3fv ؤt4Ͷhkvdot~ ]P?mI[ϵGLǦ?z?yoAƘڧqkɲO`]Ib׾ӹ 4v ]w.Wݞ-6ҏ?{t2o46ovS7L`ꧻsg}I9G.};1VwjhݟGy~R~J߇=$cآk7/&_ eI֧gu=?1:wxe>x{Ht=~~E?޻CM6[8mL>ƼOx~:kYxd7K-xbOt{{f㌽|5Ƌ[;vr}uڌ;bγu6`뺦ZCc+5y|4뮹vxطe69:%꣣cƕLO;6t]ԭ_:$<2ک'_.I;X]? g}6yFOힹlj k-'/u|XO_}-C7=ڵϩ~VxZo%6.ֺ#LbM-GDvxӱO1jk Kɲ3Dz2_+|F/ C?Yrt\Ƅ E7icOn _Ř1IIv4|˃'lS;!a㊤c̙5ٽwQߞ oqw~w~=g&=]}Vwf+???0GSzLi wNq`7N=3$T^WN~lxo FabN;k$k1ο_^/m;aBz_؎l'?1?!{o <;{n̴:c?f{Mrl-6Hxv9զEck=š{Lql$}A=4M<yի;jψ՞#c{|ſ!hTvJ;+;ܵfxߩ׊·,7Ŷg掹9Kzzѻo^2胛*cߛ糿Zy ?ˢ:-:͓_\ao;O0/_߼׸lVrJɷ㿛2%E _rb=8eڞ ?Ax I<[1+ӞG1CNNjY\|%~4{TϘ嶁<3ӓ豧h[9sΓKvnÓ `,V.Kڴn3[H}},,y 5 And yet, the Communist state could not bring itself to abandon the strengths of the family system for ensuring social stability, caring for the old and disabled, and raising new generations of useful citizens. It left virtually untouched the system of exogamy and patrilocal residence, whereby a man stayed in his own village and obtained rights to live and work there by dint of birth  whereas a woman moved to her husband ’ s family, losing her rights in her parents ’ village and looking after his parents instead of her own. Radical changes have taken place in gender relations outside the household. Since the May Fourth Movement in 1919, women ’ s liberation has been inextricably linked with the thrust towards build a modern state. This was strongly reinforced by the Communist ideology of gender equality which became the dominant ideology after 1949. The Communists used the power of a totalitarian state to transform gender relations and encourage women ’ s full participation in economic, social and political life. During the 1950s women were brought out of the home to be paid for their work, to participate in political meetings and exercise their newly-acquired legal right to choose their own husband. During the Cultural Revolution this process accelerated. Since 1979, the state has given up some degree of interventionism to encourage private enterprise, which has brought some reversals for women. Yet this period has also opened up new opportunities for the women ’ s movement, as described below. Education and Employment Universal education was a priority for the Communist regime, equally for girls and boys, and impressive strides were made in providing basic education to people. Emphasis on this diminished with the advent of economic reforms. As a consequence, there is a growing gender gap in schooling, especially in rural areas. 13 There is also a gender gap in higher education. Production was collectively organized, and women were formally incorporated into the workforce in both agriculture and industry. Women gained both materially and psychologically from the replacement of family-based production by collective units, which radically altered the balance of power in the household. As a village woman explained: It wasn ’ t the work that changed much: we had always worked hard in the fields. The difference was that earlier we would go alone to work on our husband ’ s family ’ s fields, and got little recognition for our contribution. After collectivization, we worked along with our brigades, which gave us a chance to participate as members of the community in our own right. Moreover, our work points affirmed our economic contribution to our families and the community. 14 Since 1979, there has been a major change of direction as China shifted from collective production to a market economy  raising incomes sharply, but sometimes adversely affecting gender equity. 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Ƥi{ߥXx[{k8˭{If8kK4}w xwjͥ> jdto\~.R,_ٚѳ5} ؆ދvOUFkڑWol}[IN/j@hrUh%F\?[6YZ|i{_M/nDS߭;_u_kKll;y[5?kԁk/5Yzzn>Zӭ8O7]p:T4`+a*\6\6 ^6*|ف:ChȣobdP}?/:'K}4Cz>pKҎؘ>1vNyb_i퓩tK&0%v N'`\{E.$cC;Kkv8X|:kTHl{s7vӺq͜;N,TnHEgv9W֦V/s23)9IǞS>oe&xi\⍆ σ N{s%zG2iC|p2m#Пj=.>ß4ş ԝOOY[힅f_W+,2d|l?_ L:oU^VttFGLOlʥO=\ f -y~+Ghd+Z0~!'ͳr#ӬuZGNvEy3A./}&?{W`,?+8+^\b aO~ǝ+6>?6bLlNñOUVtLr<ԧ[4}]WY=<.?ScD_4pCtis/J1[?=pl%L[o 7%Ȩ]|gN o\|p,y{䟛ϭ~ٔS 8"VdSN~[ {YpIpH9Od%[U_ᶼ+[zv֠pM`jkjmzvW`=v~Jev}GLV-i]EuA[QFvCVJm4;)m3!eƑ5Iɸ_-0: /eE_D^V.}9kj/Z%壒ɇ?%o]gɯ]rQxV;`Tsсjo.I[&?1ߜOvAhgӷɶ~1/=u{;-;m:7XbSoo}QkgN0WyS|Ynb^sj.t ,-ٺI=zQq}Q|1홭M>$)9=: Mի^+VFWrKF9ͷksoͼ)^?BƎÜFt?l>~7om\C;3Il3|ٖ^sCE//[M$6`We9h!Ox?jec;>ۜgm57{f{wp%կqCyɪ_ҁU+Y=i8^l,NB_<={Ekc2;O[ccT}|Ƕwx:ehICܢeNU[: Xrуg?SUU|Ҟ #g/h РUG }G}ҋ2xr`|Iܕd6ʥ?{C`ڟg7r~|QJckV5MVDl_9:.>5/G~W>_'a7'*>~Q/__6$%g7ڔ)CJ"?x0y ^aTO0dݚD/Gi/׳Si[ϬR+C_`QI.8q "G`䞶.('yǮ0܄I>+:瞴nYwtͭ+Wn^~| [fow?~ҥ3l_mPv~Y;^0| Yvf5I>-(/M*'\ !Sܑ?&y>@ kM~\ \<ڻ=韅I{k1h^Rގhm'g~oygK{eft΢4ONX%8P?Izn?)鏹tVvbv#`gէҧӂ.1d6lC呕{ G͒ONbs.I7Sxu)ɻ:I[&FPpy>b2*X0k{4t\KgMt؏vX:}Q5sWƿ`k{c1ˎ7Mnd]\ǙEîn%_TjqnuZcxw-J\ 8 Ê:prO_cGXk,ȤT7X=Y חu&VkZ}Ƒ͡>ccp|l.tfЏ~|UCӏ7v;cQqwօϗFtOcN>h3CDUSgvG3~ىU΂t98umsɋ2F.nZl3EN}6U]4}<] Fũ6X=^_e,ՏI}N;\34笗݄M gڬx8#\^ _ߝbdG>=!$t'h>+: +.]XwǑP-\\7GFX}:}|m&Ϗf'aj991_V~7{~QcW8<0hWƸS2+:qyn;g q\7.T8'\s<<Ɲ*k8FlOsߔ~g;1^=)hGFƋ$p*5/ռ_m,qW ::'/iPgf}X=7;Əlfr3l]5Tѣ7%n1~0<uyÿ>@-F)./6ņ }/=z.*qD}~-Zpp[o)<xnM SxmAc.&MtCG%&m\> =?(JkG{>?!,, 6 family became the production unit once again under the “ household responsibility ” system. In the vast agricultural sector which continues to absorb the majority of China ’ s population, women ’ s work is once again becoming invisible, which can potentially erode their intra-household bargaining power. The sexual division of labor has deepened, with men migrating to higher-paying jobs outside the agrarian sector and women remaining to take care of agricultural production. Women are also gaining employment in the mushrooming private sector in urban and rural areas, but this involves mostly young unmarried women with poor working conditions and insecure jobs, 15 supplementing their parents ’ income until they marry. In urban areas, reform of state-owned enterprises has led to discriminatory practices against women. With increased pressures to be efficient, enterprises are decreasingly willing to make concessions for women ’ s reproductive roles. Efforts to protect women ’ s access to maternity and childcare benefits 16 make employers less likely to hire or promote women, and more likely to lay them off in difficult times. 17 For some women, the reduction of income has caused a marked drop in family and social status (Woo 1994: 280-8). Another gender gap is introduced by mandatory retirement for women 5 years earlier than for men. This does little for gender equity, but helps the state by freeing up middle-aged women to look after aging parents-in-law, grandchildren and the home while their daughters-in-law go out to work. Women ’ s Health Communist China has consistently placed high priority on public health, and many of the efforts have targeted women in an effort to improve household health and sanitation. 18 A prenatal health care campaign was launched to modernize midwifery practices (Goldstein 1998 : 153), and infant and maternal mortality were radically reduced. Women ’ s health also benefited from interventions driven by other agendas, notably population control, which was viewed as a top national priority since the mid 1960s (Peng 1989). While this program has sometimes been harsh in implementation, it was accompanied by strenuous efforts to ensure good conditions for pregnancy, delivery, and child health, leading to rapid improvements in maternal and child health (Sidel and Sidel 1982). Family law The Communist party has tried to give women equal legal rights as men, including in many aspects of family law. These laws constituted frontal attacks on the traditional family system, and crucial aspects of these reforms elicited strong popular resentment. Faced with threats of popular uprising, the state compromised the implementation of its new policies and laws. 15 Andors 1984:293; Gu 1997; Wolf 1985:59-61. 16 The 1986 Health Care Regulations, and the 1988 Labor Protection Regulations (Woo, 1994). 17 Lu 1988:19, and Danning Wang ’ s field work in Tianjin 1996-7. 18 Parish and Whyte (1978:85-91) ; Sidel and Sidel (1982); Whyte and Parish (984:69-71). 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In the regions controlled by the Communists, efforts were initiated to break age and gender hierarchies along the lines developed further after 1949. With the establishment of Communist control over the entire country, these efforts were spread across China, as described above. The economic reforms carried out since the late 1970s brought an end to the era of intense pro-active support by the state of women ’ s liberation. The state continues to be active, through organizations such as the Women ’ s Federation. However, more independent women ’ s organizations have also come up under the leadership of educated women 21 , which maintain a working relationship with the Women ’ s Federations areas (Li and Zhang, 1994). Both the Women ’ s Federation and women ’ s NGOs advocate women ’ s independence gained through means such as education and skill training programs. They are concerned with minimizing the negative implications for women of the market economy: including job insecurity, growing gender gaps in schooling in rural areas, the return of prostitution, and the misuse of women ’ s images in advertisements. Thus women ’ s movements in China today are returning to the forms of women ’ s movement common in other countries and emergent in China before the Revolution. III Gender and development policies in the Republic of Korea, 1950s-1990s The Republic of Korea has had rapid economic growth since the 1950s. The initial industrialization process began during the Japanese colonial occupation (1910-1945), creating a modern infrastructure in the areas of finance, production, transportation, and commerce. Radical land reform was carried out, starting in 1947 during the American occupation and completed after the Korean War. This enhanced the process of breaking traditional Korean power structures to create an egalitarian society, which was a crucial basis for subsequent development. 22 After the devastating Korean War, successive governments had a strong commitment to rebuild the war-torn country into a prosperous industrial country. Poor in land and natural resources, the government concentrated on building a skilled and healthy workforce to lay the basis for rapid industrialization. During 1960-1995, the economy grew at an average annual rate of 9 percent. In the late 1950s, the country ’ s GNP per capita was less than $100, and over 40% of the population suffered from absolute poverty. By 1995, it had become the world ’ s fifteenth largest economy, with a per capita GNP of over $10,000 (UNDP 1998). This stunning pace of development has included rapid improvements in people ’ s levels of education, health, and living standards. This emphasis on human development and economic growth has dramatically transformed the living conditions of women as well as men. However, women ’ s position 21 The term non-governmental is used to describe any institute or organization not set within the official network according to the will of party authorities. This kind of organization was allowed to exist legally only after the late 1970s. 22 Koo 1987; M.Lee 1982. )x{LeOp9zJcڠn+pib)*rX;ٚ:L7O- ̲+\yٚ999j︟}yp`1YD"aa8.eϢ/c ۷#<2o$7F x~p|65p6|&8hÓO )|62 @38}$z ۟뮐iLlEQݢr%oQi~i'u%ae y̡-4s;èQ{?D~P^:z9Wm^D{~{:2,cxQdtc3f-!N{->{IFx$jeI)o#%;S^A_+`@rJ`dK-Mȹ;f\yR\ϓGm4\'<-e=/C+,& |0 I2B:at>~6di`9Y!ֺieL!'᫢}i/f|a[f!=qo89 I0xAңfH!6=<雐ƿe=#yr jM#oH7'\N~YFf~9 |P+꘷>3Ⱦg;/>0 :nX nLj%KϘsf?|y9<ٳ%ύS.H|;=o{N3ܯ|cm5Ϝ7ˢ@<O~wsCoϴ\_{g 2G _ekG1۰Yʏs+y}5srm<𕜯޺W]_Iy?霅ItNy:_R x=9:teE6syعys4!'cjs樜ߗ|uwy#y|>~>^yx_gȮ BN+I;I_M!D]=A7¼'##W<}IZק;,T\}~x6Xw;`Uvjiy:΋ i+_yqd+֗$eې}Jzc!m>CI/{W|j?Ce恱Fx(y# Uw)?Ž HvH7gݞ.7vd\iJ~<׆z8r7sߵi}YgͬTMz"c4'%%>r_iPr{]=te\}WY}ZG}*KQ 2Ii]]c*5/9Mo4G`h~%vŷ~鏺E-},r6tWr:3yt_m6жg-0!n{{B6I'CoԃW=lU=08sd 5\l15U}Dqڽ e` F~dO=s=l+DGWW1՟-~xs1U_ɋ;tz+]shCZ{apr~bK`CCe| 6ؒMWmǦ_St숻5tXq왝3z5;o9qlYKZ%Wl袃Χs.Y9YHt7*^nE^\ m³^0P /yӮ{itËU٨S1EC<~ -93IչoاXctfv;v m^⾘U^99Y|ziIoWSS1[?>6/f_sS>9i}vHOwu<#X݇m)v^܋g4{캤п vNq?Ϛ v9'/BؘLZ5y:ᑎ7o.Q~"W<&k4iE~hk+u $b5hC;g{?MO\}Cu؇F>}`u6ʝm]|̗wޜ}.~ܜ#$Է03y_F_hjGD?1?A= q~]YE-dlflxfyaS܊#8L-s)oYa[>?[LuNIgr?917f x~|?lDurxJr~u|J{|뾽**DX.|ҵUװ3M9,um ѥ.kZvam ~(v_Uᝉ,|r_xGVWxξjYu:ql55 ScMNVeij,N,l;k*&*ml«`o{<}Ʒn㉀Pݳ;v3)w~4^p~y n'ζnTg MO:ٺsA̜b?.]|XGǫObuɯʠ֣cҟp]>!e:ᑌT-뇶*W]xl6{AfϪ"}ӵKB6Mdx/U9r6IrOw[h]{WϦnLEߡx"8rx; cW^v{nw rX';q@lcŮƦl|kնxlK&۾+ rg\s6E7Owͷr8R1T_X;f4lZ{fڑ]jЋڮ_Yo'lcE,3+46d珅web[ĵ+vN#gysJmsƹ#H^cʹO/OiStq5"h{Lݑhgڈegښ-]&)WW};KdX'tִի>xLs^|GG'V}GS6__sG87{4]5Mmd,~K6م ;j'<k?f8]d$Y?]X,ȾJ{63=?vo}iȈgmC}J{r}}jܥM;+;yg?7: [8&)9~]>~,]kNg9TCa]BяG;nj+q\Y3z =38]F0A=q@wWw;ug=bCaE' vcd3kp!LtN/!d]W_1ZkxU>n{m.~\nN[]EǓ%9Av:[ƠQOK lc[3sXo]x,M1-{wtƗCCz(}6 'EA[G3ڻ^<{6ZonԗtU|۱/| ܏m3_ݍixe}/ƊVts* LʵenOv޽1o6ቱWc'Ż_[xYݢN1P 1Km굾%~lT6;uqk<4>'httnў M=x[s4u-7'~vvۥ\k_u3x85L_QWI:[CXZ=am}ۧXV[GGO"Nb띤bi;?hwW3˷GW:Lu>[L_?f|Mޓr{G>[~xV|3[ӨrKf1)8a F3Q4l%׹GwCzdkPn4m}I>:>'+뫾ꦇȵ?5H6%tf>ޓ׌φwg3ӷ8y}mܞĉxַp&wu7d{C۲tأߞG;ΣM{@OoM팷6&bBfv]?qSu耍7WmV_Z'_U]߿x^5BǪ-Km >r;bc0]so/%Wɏ*~x gKyo ;hL<3}{?5{R;b_zGa3ьVƋwwhw0e9SgOYc8x^?:!}a}gSZ֞yZ۱9Z{jõ{"gQ_+ѦIB]>i\?O& ؙ#@UQ*qxtٰ3CW60{]$ckS6lmCU\e[$2Yz${_KdmOS͍u=]Ht4>`x)~'4{M3<gw ot5}&jVlN;hsX $a~aNrt!51~﩯}/yғy<vi<;s85Q6wI:;]Xy۝(Jkͮo\ȍ>[=<æwER]d N3n3̊3>^} ;:N;q~scz{U2޲ ; kkSYs4)t_19W]t/'FI-k}g:?j}tI=r1n\$gt-ΣD|?|k̩Os_<]sm?iݻw.oV:7W99R]O>c+X1mV1^Ds,^%|rS.bNҩ+/2x+ro&xGg8?>C'/ݻb8Szg$4yy;uq.>v4l:${I_9:c5N xcX`ڑ : zZM奛7]_5]hnE#7C$Eg>=?k`"'[K>{s1nS lG&n] M >˃im;ޥ>~;}m<4`5OeRԑЋbt:/XTW7#;Pvkؚ;)-߰w^66aPRo e1bҙ; LH}C;dxQގwq}?+K=Mpu=+Lny]ٞ%Qߺ&TߐU5zq׵v>pUnL*t;+tclt훺nYw?Ƿf >*?_{CӇM<@\%f}sꇎۘϾM6/MYj/ O!یܾ9_fXE!lzxshogƒ?02g?hv];Φ:v9z:ůk8n0Lz:;IgccTaITcEQrr}'| 1>m"눕ƛV}j=v'<ڍ1ۿ6,6خ4i|crqso]|~m|C<~{mK#S]djO:U~hmSY^Jşߒ?߇vgm~3W<}&Nx\<&<5s>Y ^p\޸+Qٿ|ξȺfo4cCo, GzkKDY_|{\hߖ67{_Dw.f#]x߃I-c,wCNi ޺ynu(_xɫAð'vWs| ??_sJN=<霣O=pArۄitTdzMz =ʒv>ҡ/p8ukF$A>m%!?d,X|k kpٟn8@ [g1ؔOcc'qfOxnӯDڝ8 WnM{o{&w?%޳.玻3a<]=ۨ`"g_#*NȣOt)Y"Wʥ<Z]xũNKr}Eᝤ뉭=o6!@hO m6 odx[o'>p ׮'v׃Zte>[J_[Y[9&o; w`<9#ҷRfh}w ?t==i.v?](G$-~*轢_I[׾.>ri/ԻI.]_/ɧvc4^&0ym)?+wRkzԾO޾}8 |y$=iߙ~]uJ_ܱ)3i8+S5k~{կwN50q},~:~?-s C3~y>uw#$k{1GPtߴ䗮΋& s#>?bPSE[Xm O[6elW$5fzghU'{/ 8|;7~qguwN^Ʒ_M茶!nSv3Vo.v|fk9|IbEľdlxFVt$TŔsb_{tЧGO/qM}Khiѥbn^N$Okn>'ͧ<ߓ'u=5u=O}+qJ4 h.]؇ޖϞc6MϱY{q$.`Z<9)Ŵ:yE#/-9}.?}kǞ[ݟΞv6cLB;=ƞqF +^iof&XK-x!،Uᱝvk6]~x]EEoEx{<#L0|W/W']~ ^EZ췒۟x'wUxe3o%h޵nN} Ol_uZBNY|TuaŸ%Mt+rpgi.hGW|v6,,@ 10 in the family and society has been slow to change. The land reform redistributed land to male heads of household, and had little implication for gender equity. State policy has made considerable effort to protect Korean culture in the face of rapid industrialization and urbanization. Patrilineal social organization and segregated gender roles are perceived to be central to Korean culture, and consequently state policy has sought to preserve them. The social, economic, and political participation of Korean women are still among the lowest in the world (KIHASA and UNDP 1998). Education and Employment From the 1880s, modern education for girls and boys was introduced by Christian missionaries, and many schools also began to be established by Korean intellectuals. The Japanese colonial government organized a modern educational system and when Korea became independent in 1945, the enrollment rate at the primary level was about 45% (McGinn et al.1980). Much destruction took place during the Korean War, but immediately after the war the government concentrated on primary education, with the explicit objectives not only of increasing people ’ s skills but also of inculcating anti- Communist thought and “ moral education ” . Primary schooling became universal by the mid-1960s, but a substantial gender gap in educational attainment persisted at the higher levels. The gap in middle and high school enrollment rates began to narrow only in the 1970s and did not close completely until 1980 and 1995 respectively. Although there is still a wide gender gap in enrollment in higher education, women ’ s enrollment has risen sharply in recent decades, from below 9% in 1980 to 45% in 1996. Women ’ s participation in the labor force has risen substantially in recent years. However, women in most occupations face gender discrimination, including in hiring practices, wage differentials, limited opportunities for long-term employment, and male-oriented culture of the workplace. The earnings differential by sex was one of the largest in the world in the 1980s 23 , but the female-male wage ratio has improved steadily from 46.7 in 1985 to 61.7 in 1998. 24 The wage gap by sex narrows with education: in 1998, the female-male wage ratio was 57.6 for those with less than junior high school, and 74.3 for those with university education. 25 The Equal Employment Act of 1987 has made explicit discrimination against married women illegal, but strong cultural norms regarding women ’ s proper role as wife and mother continue to prevail and many employers and employees alike expect that female staff will leave their jobs when they marry. Given their relatively poor prospects in the job market, one major incentive for women to enroll in higher education has been to increase their chances of marrying men with higher incomes 26 . This is also reflected in parents ’ responses to the question of why they want to educate their children. In the case of sons they emphasize “ good job ” while for daughters they stress “ marriage and connections ” (National Statistical Office 1996). 23 1989-90 ILO Yearbook of Labor Statistics, cited in Bai and Cho 1996. 24 Korean Women ’ s Development Institute 1999. 25 Korean Women ’ s Development Institute 1999. 26 K.Kim (1990); S.Lee (1997), M. Park (1991). +xhuǟ7wnwbJ:= N;Y]:C2bmdk"M2J!#͚$"f%i!QZ{kMA|^<w3AU,"#G@\"S`{Hh|l.;oz wi:DȄ )S\ӭm6@VI4RޔԤ9 GF-Yxkv.{֭e^n BJٌ'U1u'!Sn~[cXe[Ǐ*tLc"ꔻ?9yOOvqZWF@m:N<(z VJ9>ɔdhَ΄WRQ.C[Zr^v=K>r,a?tzg'yo[6> 캀BXj˘d3}-B^ !@P|%ܴa,ga*|O]!ҊvS.eAr6'`mU߆alcm6A":.{RlS!yW'4b_FC7tZٗeh1MUWw\,y^ϢO]+e gҐr3Lbqc_B++j0 h;c Ƞ~S׆aBlyɣ[ }\<(73FO)hNnat#\Jh?lg\9>}j"(y|*P/_v}u"ypJW,a[n$Z{TC7@C\4D8}ص_CS]wந%Wx] lXٗYpv"{{H|XWu6F5} 5gzjа54k%îgN 8p2dɀ'N 82eɀ'N 8p2d7fMicrosoft Office Document Image Writer 11.03.2175.00 2005:07:05 12:37:02  zkD &jkrk(162/F k1xJ{Hqx\WuD1E( 28c~6O EPi%KH%48҆dqq m!S”7-miL(1)e<gywڷ][M'Ywι{y]-u]JGJwogayή{|׍^n{;9%+VfR~|nUݡn_w{wU}ΫD;r],*X5e͜3.gyV׷Եv=.o.o"w8!瞞X]mYֿ{}GQ@n^gSwS%zqٝ|fOl↓_ewW}qzOe?9o~5_o^k\[')lY^v:3p}}r׉˸Z\kV}{+}MM6-ƲYӾF=߽rCAUe|>O?W-Ǿϫd<_q$';xOp}fCg6nο ~9zfYk=qS@)GtF.v|vwM}2o]__JƴE_7dEUJ+ п]|OduĬzT~XLX9zf}0Oեqm=ؽ_zfZC{JXۥQ]^zS?ͽ4S,xkm\ȍ sƅ~ qm*]N7i]3F̑\;%WtOG_s"~Ճx/~tW~y{ @9U?_?޶z\.u-Ohj'筕-V=P~;ַsJObnp{jnԽ97HϫTϯ9VW 2ڑ{Wvsc_]h_CW5c7m=|)Rz=tmW}~{[*Nzh?PE,Fm;tnOyw]/'ynPŝm;K޺/JW4*:(K)=:z[hh]JQJ?ڋ*=wLv+E'+:zգnщFV;e)Qvd\fϰey:؊LNdV*LNk/oxO5}oȶ U>^~rR>,}oxZoz׏W~_kOo'S./;M5:r͜1-mD[6:kޏCFsFE9Tc~_iW;K-ɃUu`(%1OuЕɸUIti֣\e]Dc`(do3˧V_{xc>;wqwYvn>WjXB| /^\@.x;̷캯"wk9/o>wwWM37''~9s_(gN#%hVb6oMܣ'1E6?W,k+Zz=V]wwo/Z/VngzEjyk=R%XE3zP1kV$-G:I:km5`bWR|*XZXN-]a[kP״{[?HoQ5wk56fħVEP2kSa~9 >㣋Jv(53v<ݢdf4d|5<Œ~M`9cjK-A?}FЇW<~N2O?V񰮯ooj]?hmQ+nVL&+7ۥ xglI YEsߙɻNdOxh]|i_OÜ>Oę 󻜼MІSɣNkCa=9V Y.(<Ӟٙvxv·OށRL(9/vTkm+3*fwUm|uYX|U:Aqm^̕=~l56̻qj2I|\]0[+#[b->da,0:xʹ7쫚w\K||1Nlb!.r!#䉷u4Klp@.mѥ2,N>eI}2K][+b2'xb_XUҧJg:/dc[V{sEEcŻp;)q{] ߶‚p;k1EL.p 3˯WW˽lUgQ>Sg\ w&Zd3CiЮ˛F'}EPu,s^7#~Ds1ofoq)'.ڈ[3٥ :+tl֯Ul[Qy]N-X %fu=_=՞v4.vٲo_t>|X' ģ%H#ś!OŜtsء~=yfKDLj8n23ܩoʶ&9,+|W5e 4 #txD2eril>`3:Ŧ7lGY>c;:^2m3{<Œ? 74SƢXm-;}gjy\qfb3rO֞vsiޫ‘݉y-:m(˩o幧y7s1J[ \]nrx3<`@A:-i;mнHk}T:9 /(u9h^i-NJn.jo>I޺d}׏]d5``A_ٳ}ӗm%/]<31{6N,]+:X;a W 賘?s+ѓ9=06{9 8uMO=4u]0hE>m'V[.=չtx.qaKwx>ޢTEV!hb1yƵVDZԙro᤽mXkn{[5og S6F'Oڛ f׉??OpψO+J%R0@fFځ ʩO^FO =X&᩟y`YN6Po6yol|}W*鼚Ojc>+^{CJ%yl{>qegL$n:LQOlo.[@ٮY|9*[/Qn^@9kK " %b*&=V6fꉯfڮamrW_N&v[;g6eoҙbkm™󅥺˩9c" +weNgwv~-FO5>t1~T1ua|mas0Z4"\dl>GD铘ϾǗoy~#<>*W.ю*J3cNV9=2nwowԙr%6U]wV?T{6ǮɞN#G{JƋvQӏ->;αe f`K?ɧm>Kٖ җUOtxָRяwN~hc{])wgdv=3{ŏ͸ܿ)}s=e|ZMzy\\y]N͗?Q4,㻋̵ZoYz^=Yun}Q+.zY~덕V'j 8wkѹ+M\{T|wXe}/Z-//YZ֚e]1<90g>_.א>SV9XnF~|njS `vSbt3Yxy:x{'rRd<}c:2tC.c8/LWbgN| \ovSѶW[w;γ}||7֞/pwuifjo7i}=jovmOkkP̏GJlǬߡe%<~'؋5}])6dYO;nExnjVfK wZmkg̏£zVpuN=7̇6\ ]>ZK=|zvMbAyɵ|]j=|`{orGN''Q_4kwAp7oLI}o}D4}uM\ʑ#|uosǏ~QQ%mƉ~Wg?<֕OAoa}lF?E{Sٱ:i8:aw[ﴵիp~x4bYܶΝ.ښ6=6CtNx?gʙCŕ2iMNj M¡kxg˚N'A?i7o"oZڪo_){ft1g?5y#smgvqm6ϝU=6< icMv湥qgŸm퀫 ݽ=$R|oGGYgSt1ƾKC}x—`0=>6a{+pgdu~'SI;āL3Y8~I/\ean("/­YΛ6f-o]8WVַu}v8=o_k P7f;|\S3=xi{qL(c+6o=3@||.`l,5C#/tɑCvf 6ӎzOt:Y_Ӧ:5|iw#cch7'˜gw$Wh(o<%װ n{\M֦;4G'<>W1\[2!%q#&W's>}aX')-Rl8X'ꦍM1,ӥ:=|" ey㎌KvVBW{ K<0g,ڕ%g+&2? sj5 :og&gaZJN< ǻ y1@!Owl)'\>emj'tu3s]rC ʱ!~BG*}b)1S,xyWJ⶯ܨ[O ^/װ7XD??o]>gMqX9pM~h7mQɾyL(, K[Yj7f'gMOxYH{[y'nji}w.4?Ge/_I|̇p!cw|j-R&/W?؊:"3`yU]e'XڥO=m>|m={lDOٛ~G6{-ѮnP.0\4ualo쵬|yBSk@`k>6]3>Kƀ䞞}؇>6/oGFyft]5sԯ/CY^{6ⱟ-;ʜR'c1:]/j.]Sm-?tCgÕܥJhWu:,E;i;t~ FC]PΫ{c%JoVv3~V4KY]z{/6R{]ZߊW}~ze nYS}`+~^mv~Ds?>|RI) &č`T?X3?L>~&OR ^o}C_:߻u|=Z4r,ިV֏jho_ZD^Q_2= &~-u+CޅdgN4wmT&}Ew-OލTď.u\G&rhF\;CJOuo8|/dN `d`8Wr]g;}jW,, 11 Women ’ s Health The government ’ s development strategy has included a heavy emphasis on improving levels of health and reducing fertility 27 . Extensive efforts in preventive health services combined with improvements in nutrition and living conditions to bring about a rapid decline in mortality (UNDP 1998). From 1962, a nationwide blitzkrieg was launched to reduce population growth, enabling women ’ s reproductive health and child survival to improve rapidly. The life expectancy at birth for women increased from 53.7 years in 1960 to 77.4 years in 1995, and that for men increased from 51.1 to 69.5 years (KIHASA and UNDP 1998). The state ’ s commitment to family planning had some other indirect beneficial fallouts for women. Firstly, it provided an acceptable forum for women to coalesce into some formal organization. During the 1950s, some women ’ s organizations had already formed around this issue (Kim et al. 1972). During the 1960s and 1970s, this process received state backing, as the state encouraged the formation of Mothers ’ Clubs nationwide at the grassroots level to disseminate contraceptive information and supplies. Another indirect positive fallout for women from the family planning program came in the mid-1970s, when it was perceived that in order to maintain the pace of fertility decline it was necessary to try to reduce the strong cultural preference for sons. This made the government more receptive to women ’ s organizations ’ demand for changing the Family Law to reduce the hold of patrilineal social structure (E.Kim 1991). Since the late 1980s, the government ’ s receptiveness to these demands received a further major boost from strong concerns that the high sex ratios at birth will lead to a shortage of future wives (KIHASA and UNDP 1998). Family law In principle, the legal rights of Korean women were assured by the 1948 Constitution, which stated that all citizens are equal before the law. This was a great improvement over the previous situation  in which, without their husbands ’ approval, women were legally debarred from credit or property transactions, mediating disputes, initiating lawsuits or making donations (J.Kim 1993). In practice, however, there has been very slow change in women ’ s legal rights during this century. The customary family law, which severely restricts women ’ s legal rights, was given legal backing by being formalized in the Civil Code of 1962. It is based on the patrilineal clan system, so a woman ’ s social and legal identity is derived from her relationship to the male head of the family, even if this is her grandson. In the event of divorce, a woman had little chance of obtaining child custody, alimony or a share of joint marital property unless the husband consented to it. This gave women strong incentives to avoid divorce at all costs. 27 Whang (1986); KIHASA and UNDP (1998); S.Kim (1998). q&xmLeǯGDxo8XPukm@LP _*_ʥe/h"327ӹ4\/m{V}h=r]3;Vs}_u9D"2nt%R McEJ20𹝺"Q\ sԏ3v nXNDߥ&\cҪm8:WWXtkoJ̴\M^}iM3-Sz`y#Ԙ_r̭c"}V29:LȓR %_>f˷|bmfo7mnƧR>C| 7G:.y1?s'de_~>%^lwh52mϔ_ѥ:~Ǖg>k3O^Z吋-/QjDWl]<W9ؗbN9h`J*m@"]]:aaXg0x{wR/oJ8Slzjkah+QU0ru <@-y[l'[6l7>mvdHz};lM 5σ3vѲ-zR[ӕr\; @A1̀9>g\~տR Ǡ :`?̄ԀSz:~r.SV@ m@°M>gA;M$J9Wz1w;As~4\QDD?$khkLf?|W7sJ֟g2Kf&7#c |'Z3C}o1&3?hW_Fltdcy&*qK14<Uˀ/^ x2eˀ_/^ x2eMicrosoft Office Document Image Writer 11.03.2175.00 2005:07:05 12:37:02  . b"&(1626/ 41'خ{ux}WyIv 1R7 Mɂm%!,$0٤ɖMv+BƂtҖ(mH):XSEZj_ł-jб Ti0~?ϽMB9{ι\:=/=;If'#BXlvϱl?w6ۙElF,ϗn6tL3y͋N=+f'gGg7n͓ݜD׾SS~R&ig/˺y̲kR׏v.D)}vs.u(߸{>{I[gٕΨٳw~ޝۥG>95={w`6{5e2~dAtϙ=#?s ?|Q0;|dӣo4:Oۓ>ġH=&:~?TӶϴA+q;ŀ.9ް37Cs݇x|xIds"<OY͐iK{'e6'ҺII|/W|V|6nG'K?z/&cmC#_q˖kO'M C/7A(/hLJ×Jٰ;ġƙh-Ehݩ9z )-'b[BaAg_}b _T|hQ i|ؖXxчF`>GF{x~X., tt]Xz87.#S9sJ:x0[ý5sK`şqI0HX}W1S7~C2r1P[<2\IdIht[ٱe|)mhӘSmqn41OjL۷>?ۉOG?ww}|w+&>s_ͫ|ny56ΓQ{@|-MiW1 N+Fs'/hK7o mח³ܘ[vCp$'hVqwg?j՛~ 􌧈DI-s쯧FhTY'~S UoYAo\׼Ҧ+4G}_]c.}~DNS%o\ɚśvOQ{+^oXŘK'>M㡳`9I[^_t"8ړ%ﻛ3CyrK/[ᅿy}n#YEX}i|Fw1r]ҷ=js.I.wli#wLO2?9|i_0Ghm~s$s9^̕_'&XqRw*kW'}g_I[kxho1dH "͞_ùI|fG5~$X3?# o>{U+kkx6+x?؇z"`_t*\2!|l|]gȈ,sGI:gu_#wzݤb!1S\/H*6ؿax0`͓^-Fǹɏ.u g?Ƶ5i/v5x'vU{Cѓvx'鞚*i~u`M ψ}r\Dq` c}$6nxӄ0Wd1L%|}؅;e2GIXM^N=C _[ѱoy3V7Ư~7qԋ1m]>1*D}hGN,{ǔ 'Wdm~* SџuLuK:o'4k'Q%q{̞SI޹)tݸ5fóbиZỾƦ~ԕD;elLHƸ crv3.wE3Dv۸ppMjv\g-nY{͠[2iIƔv1b|+_V8ßGpCVVNbI;S>BƐ<yT[S o9˽Wv6aӡ!R6*VϳsᄃẌ́'{ TXS7͐N:mb -rSy\\ŀUy/ۦdk| _?SuZ |Lu>&,bO?|*'Ť؞d=L͡DxwwgN="SමK>̷y4l] Ϳ~\/6;ĪCiצim&i{rڨ/zmU7.I)$݉/$Ou64o ==c [vseJl1?fߧ[o lgIϮ$zioƼg]'^RNf.)u 4Og64揈m|S|-5 ^8KMu;kKRgGbbc]ia7;{tbh mAw}Ul= cZ/VcY|L&f a=͍`=wުy<y޶/[>n,Ĉē?402}+f)!43Yu6T2]X: С\C4<}d}*{`ʰ X64zaDxc:2AC*1|SOc3ȫR-nlesr^O6 us'\㽾Bt+ x5O'1(󍽴X4~i.S}{?&n]sM^ ޻!xb'rb _s);_qzgx?Ϛs<}mj-rMXx;N6b=c}>COg'Dw?[;ݘycTθf!anҌbb9n\I;LΗ+P|2vk Rgl [k0U,O}>Zu[@5mtG?O})7diێO3t$4x!.Wx ] ؁I7=C~"W vY1W=3aAsz.,zsYWkO P%N5pu(R;NGG<;WYl;E Os:ODoNSm#}օ^WOm"/Um:Ft7GRX>д;Fڻ,߃pƩx;+4Lt|"2OǑ#Sv뇩1~X,f!m"~m<%Ц29Y2lkhhtʍwǡԎ%[]Ack` ~ah/MۃI{5v~y9‰Uq+n>li&!@qt3H~:6_{ ?];qQ/>3皮1h7@W֞SՆ_sՖԆM6u}zSZLW1D~~_hoÌp||d.b,wںum1s_bܸ]J[컲ull"y{}Bytgt3G>C߻_7g\֩/жN7gމcoH WTcs̾N$eڼ7c!5Q򕑽`^ŐaTO8ò2w#\OIܺL>イ:GFvvOoS>d`/<[qN^ D~fyk:ΜӃEggnЮ* o<Ӳ( S,u;oM3[?[?ڕi [_ozOdŲۉ7@}WgAc_]Gnc[7-z;RO%m}.~M'R'uc3-xbB_bX6xLc6p,l%?8j5L\6I8Oq^nIwpCf|j׻}>|'mOжl>b<_{:3nV'5{HhwK^[ޏYEx+jnoƺg_*F!]ĵ/>+Ȉu_|4M8 2}x8T/v%_oGvT^TLu={K/:ՇЏ$7~?zt`oDŽжu8}з㫿og2V=[=A_p{5~u%(BMSk?WV>Yur&Km'kѵW_ף5ie_rZ.^C/8 o׵hrrQxpF&m"yRq?oFWoתʴgqNse74~?ͤ7?'. /[? 8'>|~c<Ճ-bؾ&\ߵt-x bY Ǘ/u㍞e}5<"Ƴ_`ҵapf>47oZ6Za<907oΜ %-d/L3,Y G`x|mjg:A'Ob>7%-NG|+\N/:a oMoxGx|n]Ϲo .|:Ϋn =O;%:c?卼ԟ1\h=c3h|G+TNIIdmjv3 OKoX m/`oJxL00#u3fh2H>;}3fcyX;߱ݩw>)}l.}쯽 Fڒ3nA1d\OmO)̷oJo[ކׄxvw |Cʒ==#zxih^/><] жuxo𹥹~[޾;',=.}`o<}?7;ZzKb"6X Dn.@ߧ~pƺN<:ٰM8#vG0z/1_~]I\y0n}>vfO:K"' o xx>\|ܠXa|;jС -㻟{.mk3'c;cc4g-/6؁ǎzk"sKu\yWygx#㭣'7`V$;_H7@V:|~RqИ >siڎN~];i';p|v,J2{޵nazxucwnY`kM;mg^ձ|q{o:2N/W| OJ‡g宻]Wv;wd:/:'O|䊧N=mqӫ}m1ʝ7uNRu=Pe|摘z>:㋿^!|1?t}K%#]֟ѵس}uCX dzm{O_I_7'o}"՟ۿWi vhߥxj*+oxm<5tyN?`ܷze*V~s,mb.Βֹ_^/x6"$ب3ۍO_~ENY,, 12 The Civil Code of 1962 did improve some aspects of women ’ s lives, in that people were permitted to formally adopt girls if they wished to; women were allowed to inherit what the family head might want to give them; and male and female adultery were treated equally as grounds for divorce. The Family Law was mildly amended in 1977, but key changes required for gender equality were ignored. Under pressure to avoid the demographic fallout of strong son preference as well as the cumulative pressure of decades of effort by women ’ s organizations, the government substantially revised the Family Law in 1990. 28 Yet even today it contains some key provisions effective in curtailing women ’ s autonomy. With the 1990 revision of the Family Law, divorce is easier for women, as child custody is no longer granted automatically to the father. Moreover, women and men have equal rights to any property acquired during marriage, and are entitled to claim for its division upon divorce. Women ’ s right to inherit parental property is also expanded. In the absence of a will, the property is to be distributed evenly among the children regardless of sex. Clearly it is still easy for parents to contravene this law by making a will. However, parents may be less reluctant than in the past to allow their daughters some inheritance rights, because the population is now overwhelmingly urban. The real sticking point on women ’ s property rights hinges around inheriting land, which is completely incompatible with customary norms of exogamy and patrilocal residence. In urban areas, it is possible to have more egalitarian inheritance without threatening the very fabric of social organization. Thus there is, in principle, scope for the new laws to be implemented with little of the mayhem encountered in China and Northern India, described below. However, it continues to be the case that only men can be heads of household, and marriage continues to be prohibited between people of the same clan. These continue to be key concerns for women ’ s organizations, as they are central to the continuation of patrilineal social organization and consequently women ’ s social marginalization. The insistence on male headship in particular is perceived as the principal source of gender inequality in the family and in the workings of other social institutions. Changing Social Norms through Mass Communication As in the case of education and employment, the state encouraged women ’ s emancipation to the extent that it helped meet national development objectives, while making sure that the emancipation did not go further than strictly required. Thus women were encouraged to play an active role in the national drive for community development (Saemaul Undong) during the 1970s, and also participate in the decision-making processes in the village general assembly. This was a radical departure from custom, and women participated actively in programs for savings, non-formal education and agricultural extension, as well as family planning, environmental improvement and income- generation (Whang 1981). 28 KIHASA and UNDP 1998; E.Kim 1991. 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At the same time, organizations such as the Korean League of Women Voters began to lobby political candidates to vote for a family law reform and exhorted women not to vote for candidates who did not support this (E.Kim 1991). All these efforts combined with economic and demographic exigencies to bring about the 1990 revision of the Family Law, which for all its limitations represents a significant break from the past. IV Gender and development policies in India, 1950s-1990s From around 1800, there were a series of Indian social reform movements against gender- and caste-based injustices (Heimsath 1964; Nair 1996). A series of efforts have been made since then by the Indian political and social leadership to improve women ’ s position in society, including demanding female suffrage at about the same time as it was granted in Britain (Forbes 1996). The circumstances leading up to independence played an important role in shaping the state ’ s policy imperatives, including those concerned with women ’ s empowerment. The independence movement included a serious interest in integrating women into mainstream public life (Sen 2000). At the same time, the independence movement sought to create a democratic and secular polity, and was successful in achieving this goal. This has constrained efforts to empower women, as the political leadership has had to keep an eye on the demands of different constituencies, especially those of religious groups seeking to maintain their identity in the secular society. India ’ s achievements in gender equity are quite mixed. On the one hand, considerable effort has been made to use legislation and more direct interventions to bring women into the mainstream of society. Women ’ s own efforts to mobilize to improve their lives have mostly received official encouragement, albeit sometimes not as actively as could be wished. As a result, women have come a very long way in India from the position they were in early in this century. Yet the pace of improvements in levels of health, education and income has been painfully slow, in turn hampering women ’ s ability to avail of the state ’ s gender-equitable laws and policies. Education and Employment Women ’ s education was undertaken by Christian missionaries from the early nineteenth century, and it was soon taken up by the social reform movements, Hindu religious reform movements, and the state (Forbes 1996). Yet progress has been very slow: only 54% of females were literate in 2001 (Census of India 2001). Budgetary allocations have been diverted to tertiary education at the expense of primary education. Consequent gaps in educational attainment by income level, gender and rural-urban residence are high, and the most neglected are people living in the rural areas of Northern India. 29 There are small signs of improvement here: of all children enrolled in school, girls constituted 28% in 1951 and this had risen to 42% by 1991. 29 Filmer and Pritchett (1999), PROBE Report. v(xklTUBeE+1b6v?T0(jд@Q!T@Cy?$C/$HQKT("J&wK)~swo!k1My͜9sn;H("O#"a="hࣶ"ҬCRz-Vsl.Ay.CereFAhC;3wxօxO|kSpԫ*u~}H6TZiu^n95 ˅Az{?mV"?1}|}},JlLKkt8{ooooטzH~%6{O}]IO+c#~) @$(𲌐(|KrR?Jd" m:x}X}/01Q:UWNjƿ'P&7BƸ A֧/g 0& |N<~@1Yz#/J.yb̅Ĥ'aLbX)Mr,Z`.F6ӿC7+$&?Sf*x(e-cU3"Ͱ̳?~9@Yb ?:!tu00 ѧ0w;Xo# Vd)A/k? 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[?/;Mkjhoox~} lUv&Tu N-Oj~ߨxqbT*;ckik4mߴf+Fj]}K*>{6oϊ6Rnss{𤿷7􁧏xk_co_i/[f{ 1B[%7Bߧ7؞D|u2t^{c9Ƶ>jb*.x1_ck\1~3/WЯ m ϊm֌Zb^ORn%͢ VCk4ï;cWi]>ηW NćWss :c2M}ZFN4xhڨW\{涑nd/NiT<>^ڏ]=m g_pЮMۯ{3Xs΍́ +Xs7swǹ>ttj)3l]6};M=:xY.3QeO9}ߏB~6_ۦ}+k\F]l#sh^h0zu-?S6S:*tPًO_~ 2\zॿswnǿeumޞ~o_'_Wp*^W =GwKJ%q6ۃ/e/ʜ߲an?Ե5f۞*9Wr,nxܙshk\X7'W];mINǺ.ׅ7Wfmb'{UbXrߐ˲ڤ_~%% N' -ǎI9s(4$ϡkqWFG_}Wo]_~h)3x\=+kϯ%uM 65rƈG%zZԵ>Ms_ݯq8m_x7홫o}]5حpyivq~eo}8S7rև_ş'ɉ4%Vҡ~4s{/i;y$8z6c!kfKcX}׾]Oer^h_ks7I|=犿sl;sĸhטwĥ:gogqk?EΚ)#|w|mZ3Itdž~sqW]g'о~cZZsIt 횴ݦ'fyYQ 2;qk1Ư[$ruYıs/HZZwm_}NS|WߟԸXWڿr1WNNZV57n/9{K7q]_hԟ|\a*qUǍo}NGיīP&GhډK[-Wl(~>1rxtL6c'Y2kwh>cufoǧup0?t=7;1]lv=癗odxOc)/o~mZh|iiu^B?wzx'f*H5h|=Ib~u{-<&;|]H===};?s]߷o=wΟgrKd;b$uMq璝{-sņߛ6 0qm,^'5L!4!]L &H& ^k}>~"5y+806wiuI>fyD~/۽iw_,'//~]qXAn]E7o-ߩu^Ү:xD-[R/y4uzKYAqej_vE=}}{,Gx"69wKq߯u.S=Mm| ߽7/lc}F:fu $~P},,y 15 A similar picture emerges of women ’ s employment. The most serious problem is not a gender gap, but the lack of growth of employment opportunities. The legal system offers several kinds of protection to women workers. The Constitution guarantees women ’ s rights to equal opportunity in employment, and provide maternity and other benefits. In practice, these attempts are limited not only by uneven implementation, but mainly because they apply only to formal sector employment that accounts for a small fraction of total employment. Moreover, they serve to make it less attractive for employers to hire women in the industrial workforce. Women ’ s Health The health transition in India has been hampered by much the same factors as the education transition: the elites have diverted resources to provide for the expensive tertiary-level facilities that serve their own needs. The needs of rural areas and of the urban poor are consequently neglected except in a few states committed to overall social development. This neglect combines with poverty and malnutrition and illiteracy to produce a slow pace of improvements in health (Shiva et al.1992). Women and children have borne much of the brunt of poor health conditions, because of poor conditions of childbearing. Family planning has received much more serious attention than health. A major crop failure during the mid-1960s alerted the government to the urgent need to raise food production and simultaneously reduce the number of mouths to feed. Both objectives were embarked on with much seriousness of purpose, creative organization, and considerable success. The consequent fertility decline has greatly improved maternal health. Family law Colonial policies reinforced the strength of patrilineages in Northwest India, by basing their land revenue and administration system on their genealogical records. For maximizing revenues with minimum management, it was difficult to beat the cost- effectiveness of this system, where peasant owner-cultivators had high incentives to invest in increasing production, and were organized into units which could be mobilized to ensure that revenues were paid. This was what the Chinese state had also discovered. This system received much administrative support, 30 and Northwest India became the source of massive food exports to the rest of India and the world, while reinforcing the kinship system which marginalized women. The legal systems established by the British and the Indian elites who replaced them were essentially “ patriarchal ” in their orientation to property and family law. Successive legislative measures radically transformed the property relations and social systems of the 30 The colonial adminstration even endorsed the levirate system as an “ enforceable ” custom, undermining widows ’ independent claims to family property (Chowdhury 1994).  %x[lTUׁʔK@$3Fh2Rx!! aB$ m-(X$Ja,U B4D0`!㷦4rL_kks:O*A"е"ؖ)BM:sR7ȴ|O@jkoTv^(%#}; g4C;H~K٭TYmDlD_Gv3n,O^QI/ bHF֯3vmvO߹#k2)Mdi(glӦZڅ}7}:~Su~k2$W9fK\K+O=)jbhfTv5Bbh54!)LyYL(l2kv^W 9P&$F% gY);1} y7a.Lk㿉)K"i<<< 6,e T+pdK-N/uzPC)A5V%}gb@j6 -E`^X#~^;e4wo={8@4i"Ԧ'iǎ( -Eu! 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At the time of Independence, a subcommittee of the National Planning Committee of the Congress Party recommended the adoption of a civil code applicable to all citizens, under which women would have equal rights of inheritance and equality with men in respect of marriage and divorce laws. However, as mentioned above, India ’ s cultural diversity is mirrored in enormous heterogeneity in family systems, which greatly complicates efforts to modify family law. One critical obstacle is the principle of religious freedom, whereby family or “ personal ” law was different according to individual religious affiliation. Since Hindus could not claim protection as a religious minority, the state exercised greater initiative in amending Hindu family laws to improve gender equity despite vociferous opposition (Parashar 1992). A series of radical laws comprising the Hindu Personal Law Code were passed in 1955 and 1956: banning bigamy, facilitating divorce, and countering child marriage. Widows were given full rights to their husbands ’ property, and children of both sexes were to inherit equally. However, all this applies only if there is no will, so in practice people are free to implement their own cultural norms with regard to children ’ s inheritance (Agarwal 1994; Sarkar 1999). In Northwest India, there have been cases in which brothers have murdered a sister who has dared lay claim to their father ’ s land. There are other serious obstacles to reforming family law and enforcing constitutionally guaranteed rights to equality before the law. For example, the principle of federalism gives states have the power to legislate on many issues, including health, education, social welfare and agricultural land: the latter being a particularly critical issue in overwhelmingly agrarian India. As a result, women continue to have little control over land, particularly in the Northern states (Agarwal 1994). Notwithstanding resistance, legislation has sought consistently to enter the private domestic sphere to protect women from various abuses. During the colonial period, Hindu social reformers and colonial administrators combined to pass a series of laws, including laws banning widow-immolation (1829), enabling Hindu widows to remarry (1856), banning female infanticide (1870) and against child marriage (1891, 1929). These efforts continued after independence. Alarmed by a rise in dowry pressures, a law in 1961 sought to ban dowry. Despite this, the problem of dowries and associated violence continued to grow, and new laws were passed in the mid-1980s facilitating prosecution of people for receiving dowry and for dowry-related violence against women. Changing Social Norms through Mass Communication The Indian government has developed a range of mass communication channels, and has actively used them as an instrument to further its development policies and programs. By the early 1990s, an estimated 93% of the population was reached by radio, and 54% by 31 Dube 1997; Nair 1996; Saradamoni 1996; Sangari and Vaid 1989 and Uberoi 1996. 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The state has enormous capacity to organize communication campaigns, using a variety of highly creative methods. Entertainment “ serials ” and “ soaps ” are designed to carry an explicit “ social ” or developmental message, as well as to entertain. Efforts to increase gender equity in norms and values have been built into many levels of communication. One example is a lively radio drama about a childless woman, in which messages are woven in through folk songs to point out that childlessness is more often caused by male than female sterility, and mocking mothers-in-law who refuse to believe their precious son can be deficient in any way. Popular soap operas portray women who interact confidently and effectively in the public domain. Since the early 1990s, foreign-based satellite TV and local cable networks have mushroomed, providing mass entertainment without the handicap of weaving in social and educative messages. To avoid losing its audience altogether, the state has been forced to adopt more commercial criteria in its programming. As a result, there is less emphasis on messages to improve gender equity, both in the programs as well as in their accompanying advertisements. The Indian film industry consists largely of movies created for mass entertainment, in which “ good women ” are typically portrayed in roles of chaste self-sacrificing wives and obedient daughters-in-law. Scenes portraying violence against women are also common in these films. Sensitive to the power and outreach of the media, an increasingly vigilant network of critics has been engaged in monitoring and critiquing the media in its portrayal of women. Women ’ s organizations Through the nineteenth century, women ’ s causes were championed mostly by male social reformers, some of whom also founded women ’ s organizations. In the early twentieth century some influential women ’ s organizations were set up by upper class women, which became active in mobilizing opinion for reform of various kinds, including demanding universal female suffrage. From the 1930s, people were increasingly swept up in the independence movement, in which women of all classes were centrally involved (Sen 2000). At the time of Independence, women ’ s organizations actively lobbied for reforms, and were successful in obtaining a strong official commitment to gender equality. The women ’ s movement also received a boost from the international interest in the UN Decade for Women. The government was active in this endeavor, setting up a high- powered Committee on the Status of Women in India to assess the effects of government policy with reference to women ’ s legal status, educational levels, economic roles, health and family planning, and to make policy recommendations in these regards. The ensuing report (Government of India 1974) helped set the agenda both for a more interventionist approach by the government and for political activism by women ’ s organizations. 'xklTEϴՂ-}-P4ݥk?dVcI!i" -R @ A@(>(&n^4iʮh93g̙$My ]fD aS~8V_kkl.B9Y522N-4:T\̐y\ InIt^ +9f^ ץ4\@ȅH6ތ|nj_튝/_UǞjI ߌWRw_@9J>1]DDU XUcӞb!]ܓ-:4@L!li G5ɕ#؃ gKWR R*9!|"hy4f8xMGI#wL?{svnqzX!|.rdELo,R>Ƙt*EWֹ[ty݅_%dJH,ca1>s4l;LH[K;}i"rA#1SVAںйSH &J8LgY !+`4^[B~%6t |3]%d)Ni6w!v { > z?ZU-!I}k!We=>6C}Fn3 C{ =Fl1wx#^x%|. 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In line with the recommendations of the Committee on the Status of Women in India, a Commission was set up in 1987 to review the working conditions of women in the informal sector. Its task was to recommend measures to improve labor legislation and to ensure women greater access to credit facilities 32 . However, with the increased market orientation of the economy in the 1990s, these concerns are receiving less attention. V Excess female child mortality in China, India and the Republic of Korea Although there have been considerable improvements in women ’ s lives in these three settings, levels of sex-selective abortion and excess female child mortality are the highest in the world: approximately 7% of girls are estimated to have been removed through sex- selective abortion and other means in China and the Republic of Korea around 1990, and around 4.5% in India (Das Gupta et al. 1997). These rates of “ missing girls ” have risen sharply in recent decades, 33 while by contrast, adult women's life expectancy has risen steadily relative to that of men. This is a sharp illustration of the fact that there is no simple relationship between the way in which female children and adult women are affected by social and economic changes. For example, efforts to integrate women into education and formal employment may not decrease parents ’ incentives to avoid raising daughters. In principle, these give women greater ability to function independently and offer support to their parents. But in practice, women ’ s earnings are likely to accrue to their husbands ’ families instead. As long as daughters continue to be totally absorbed into their husband ’ s home and cannot contribute to their parents' welfare, son preference will continue to persist. Under these circumstances, efforts to raise the status of women as a whole will remain a somewhat indirect route to reducing discrimination against daughters. More rapid reduction in son preference requires measures to raise the value of girls to their parents, relative to boys  thereby reducing their incentive to discriminate against girls. Even the most strenuous efforts to improve women ’ s autonomy in these countries have not focused enough on these issues. For example, Communist China did much to help women become full social actors, but did relatively little to alter the rules of inheritance and residence which underpin son preference. Thus although women's situation is enormously improved in modern China, parents continue to seek to bear sons rather than daughters. There are, however, some important forces of change at work, which increase flexibility in the kinship system and thereby help equalize the value of sons and daughters. Urbanization is a powerful force in this direction. 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It is well known that these different paths have profoundly affected development outcomes in these countries, but they have also had tremendous impact on gender outcomes. Differences in political systems have also played a role in shaping the nature of women ’ s movements. In China and the Republic of Korea, women ’ s movements are in relatively early stages of development. By contrast in India, democratic regimes have facilitated the rise of a civil society in which strong women ’ s movements could grow  with some far-reaching successes in drawing women into the mainstream of public life, such as the legislation requiring that at least a third of elected local government representatives must be women. Conclusions States impact on women ’ s capabilities through a multitude of ways. Some of these are fairly direct, such as legislation pertaining to the family and to the workplace, rules of political representation, forms of affirmative action. Others are quite indirect but nevertheless important: such as development strategies and the institutions of governance. Here we discuss how these influences have played out in China, the Republic of Korea and Northern India, in order to understand how states can be more effective at reducing women ’ s social marginalization and increasing their capabilities. These case studies illustrate the subtle ways in which states influence the manifestation of cultural beliefs and values: most actions and policies are not gender-neutral, they either increase or decrease gender equity. They also illustrate the constant tension and negotiation between state ideologies, state interests, and social norms. They also present some notable points of caution. One is that, even when states are interested in promoting gender equity, their actions are often constrained by the desire to maintain stable family structures: in order to maintain social stability; support the old, the infirm, the unemployed and disabled; raise good citizens for the future. Moreover, in these rigidly patrilineal settings, it is very difficult for the state to make peasant rules of residence and landownership more gender-equitable. This complex system of roles and rights forms part of the moral order of the society, and efforts to alter it are perceived as deeply invasive. Transition out of an agrarian economy loosens up these constraints to gender equity. A second note of caution is that states ’ legislative and other policies tend to homogenize the cultures of their citizens, which can work against gender equity in some ways. Especially striking in these settings is the demise of matrilineal and matrifocal kinship systems, under pressure from “ patriarchal ” legislative and policy settings  as noted in studies in southwest and northeast India, and in southern China. Even well-intentioned efforts at introducing gender equity can be implemented in ways insensitive to cultural heterogeneity. 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A third cautionary note is that despite improvements in women ’ s autonomy, levels of sex-selective abortion and excess female child mortality have been rising in these settings. A very substantial part of efforts to increase gender equity has focused on issues such as education, employment, and political representation  which impact relatively slowly and indirectly on the underlying motivations for son preference. Much more needs to be done through social movements, legislation, and the mass media, to focus specifically on increasing the scope and social acceptability of daughters helping their parents, thereby reducing parents ’ incentives to avoid raising girls. References Agarwal, Bina. 1994. A field of one ’ s own: Gender and land rights in South Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Andors, Phyllis. 1983. The unfinished liberation of Chinese women,1949-1980. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Brighton, Sussex: Wheatsheaf Books. Andors, Phyllis. 1984. Women liberation in China: a continuing struggle, China Notes 23 (2-3): 287-293. Bai, Moo Ki and Woo Hyun Cho. 1996. Women ’ s employment structure and male-female wage differentials in South Korea, in Susan Horton (ed.) Women and Industrialization in Asia, London: Routledge, pp 165-206. Basu, Aparna. 1999. Women ’ s education in India: achievements and challenges, in Bharati Ray and Aparna Basu eds. From Independence towards freedom: Indian women since 1947, Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.135-57. Bu, Wei. 1998. Gender and Media: Policy and Current Situation, Women Studies 1: 15-20. Census of India 2001. http://www.censusindia.net/index11a.html Chowdhry, Prem. 1994. The veiled women: Shifting gender equations in rural Haryana, 1880-1990. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Croll, Elisabeth. 1981. The Politics of Marriage in Contemporary China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Das Gupta, Monica. 1995. Life Course Perspectives on Women's Autonomy and Health Outcomes, American Anthropologist 97(3):481-491. Das Gupta, Monica, Jiang Zhenghua, Xie Zhenming, Li Bohua, Nam-Hoon Cho, Woojin Chung, and P.N.Mari Bhat. 1997. Gender Bias in China, South Korea and India: causes and policy implications, Harvard University Center for Population and Development Studies Working Paper 98.03. Das Gupta, Monica and Li Shuzhuo. 1999. Gender bias and the marriage squeeze in China, South Korea and India 1920-1990: the effects of war, famine and fertility decline, Development and Change 30(3), Special Issue on Gendered Poverty and Wellbeing (ed. Shahra Razavi), in press. Davin, Delia. 1976. Womenwork: Women and the Party in Revolutionary China, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Davin, Delia. 1995. Women, Work and Property in the Chinese Peasant Household of the 1980s, in Diane Elson (ed.) Male bias in the development process, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press pp.29-50. Dube, Leela. 1997. 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